SUMMARY
Since its 1962 independence Burundi has been embroiled in conflict and violence, with Hutu and Tutsi population groups struggling to gain or maintain power over government. Despite being a numerical minority, representing only 10-14% of Burundi’s total population, the Tutsi have long-since dominated the political scene. The system of ‘indirect rule’, first operated in Burundi by German and later by Belgian colonialists, fortified the system of Tutsi domination in the political sphere. The Hutus and the Twa ethnic group, making up 85-90% and less than 1%, respectively, of the country’s densely packed population, have throughout Burundi’s history largely been marginalised politically.
Together with Burundi gaining its independence, the 1961 assassination of PM Prince Louis Rwagasore led to the deterioration of relations between Hutu and Tutsi, and opened up for the two-way ethnic competition that continues to characterise Burundi’s political system. The Hutu-dominated gendarmerie responded to the assassination with an attempt to overtake the government, following which harsh retaliatory raids on behalf of the Tutsi-led army which massacred virtually the entire Hutu political elite, alongside thousands of Hutu civilians accused of supporting the revolt. Further on, the army was purged of Hutu elements and tens of thousands of Hutus fled to neighbouring countries, effectively ending for many years all significant political participation of Hutus in Burundi and consolidating Tutsi supremacy. The Tutsi-dominated army imposed the first of several military regimes that would monopolize government power until the early 1990s. In the interim there were ethnic clashes, including several massacres perpetrated by the Tutsi-dominated army.
Pierre Buyoya seized power in a 1987 coup. A period of progress and democratization followed, culminating in the 1993 multiparty presidential elections. There was, however, little progress on the most sensitive issue of all: accommodating greater Hutu participation in political life, specifically in the army, which was vehemently resisted by the Tutsi-dominated military establishment. The army remained the instrument for maintaining Tutsi hegemony. Significantly, Tutsi long held all command structure posts of the security services, including the police. Hutu Melchior Ndadaye defeated Buyoya in the elections, and appointed a broadly based government of both Hutu and Tutsi. Ndadaye did not succeed in realising his promise of national reconciliation before being assassinated by members of the army, alongside several of his own ministers in a coup on 21 October 1993. The abortive coup is said to have been masterminded by former president Jean-Baptiste Bagaza, and was followed by extremism and turbulence, including acts of one-sided violence. In the days following the coup the elected government was de facto deprived of the exercise of power until 24 October 1993, during this period Tutsi members of the army responsible for the coup, announced the formation of a National Public Salvation Council with Hutu UPRONA former minister François Ngeze as its President. Provincial military commanders were asked to arrest FRODEBU Governors and replace them. A civilian government that included both FRODEBU and UPRONA were re-established on 24 October and civilian institutions in December 1993.
The general insecurity of the region greatly affected the developments in Burundi, and is said to have worsened the conditions for conflict resolution. Burundian rebel groups used bases in neighbouring countries such as Tanzania and the DR. Congo to stage raids and attacks into Burundi, leading to intergovernmental tension and cross-border raids on the part of the Burundian army. The Burundian army, further, is said to have operated bases of its own in the South Kivu region of the DR. Congo, supporting the opposition to the pre-2003 government. Soldiers of the post-genocide Rwandan Patriotic Army, possibly in exchange for Burundian military support in the DR. Congo, engaged in joint operations against Burundi insurgents at least in the first years of the conflict, particularly in the northern and central provinces. The armies of Rwanda and Burundi are said to have mirrored the cooperation of rebel groups. The government also cooperated militarily with the Rwandan-based RCD (Rassemblement congolais pour la democratise, Congolese Rally for Democracy), as well as having provided secondary support to the ADFL (Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire, Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo-Zaïre). This myriad of collaborations resulted in the Burundian army also committing human rights abuses against civilians in neighbouring countries. Hundreds of thousands of refugees compounded the challenges facing the region, and strained the relationships between the countries.
After a few years of uneasy collaboration between the Hutu-led government and the Tutsi - dominated army-with the army largely ruling the interior together with Tutsi gunmen - a 1996 military coup reinstated Pierre Buyoya as president. The coup effectively ended French and US support to the government forces, previously taking the form of the provision of training and equipment, and led to international threats of sanctions. Although Buyoya’s regime grew increasingly stigmatized internationally, it managed to maintain an influx of arms from both private dealers as well as more conventional suppliers. 1998 saw positive political developments with the inclusion of several Hutus to the government, and the Arusha process underway. Progress on the most difficult issues - power-sharing arrangements and provisions for a more inclusive army - was, however, slow. A transitional government led by Buyoya took office in 2001, with cabinet posts split between Hutu and Tutsi. In 2003, Buyoya handed over power to the VP, Hutu leader Domitien Ndayizézé, who governed until the 2005 elections. Under peace agreement provisions former Hutu rebels began to be integrated into the new national army in 2004, making progress towards meeting the aim of including 40% former rebels in army leadership positions.
On 26 August 2005 Pierre Nkurunziza became President of Burundi following CNDD-FDD victories in Burundi elections. President Nkurunziza remained in office after elections in 2010, elections that had been boycotted by the opposition. In 2015 Nkurunziza was elected President for a third term. The constitution from 2005 only allowed the President to sit for two terms but Nkurunziza claimed that his first term did not count as he was elected by the parliament and not by popular vote. Evariste Ndayishimiye, a candidate who was hand-picked as Nkurunziza's successor by the CNDD-FDD, won the Presidential elections on 20 May 2020. Shortly after, on 9 June 2020, Nkurunziza died of natural causes. As per the constitution, Pascal Nyabenda, the president of the national assembly, led the government until Ndayishimiye's inauguration on 18 June 2020.
