This dyad belongs to the conflict Nigeria: Biafra
Summary of conflict Nigeria: Biafra
The conflict over the Biafra territory in southeastern Nigeria has erupted twice; first in 1967 and again in 2021. The conflict has its roots in legacies of colonialism following Nigeria’s independence in 1960, and the ethnic division of the populous country. The first conflict period saw fairly conventional warfare and became infamously characterized by famine. The second has been much more limited in scope and sophistication of rebel violence, but nevertheless violent.
In 2025, the Nigerian government continued to fight against the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). The intensity of the conflict notably decreased compared to previous years, however, remained centered in the southeastern Nigeria. IPOB continued with its tactic of targeting police stations and checkpoints. The group also clashed with government forces when they imposed their weekly sit-at-home order. Additionally, the Nigerian government conducted several raids targeting IPOB/ESN hide-outs during the year.
Background
Ethnic tensions
When Britain colonized Nigeria in 1901, they proceeded to govern through ‘indirect rule’, whereby they divided the country into smaller protectorates and controlled these through indigenous chiefs and rulers that enforced their colonial policies. The southern protectorates, mainly populated by the Igbo and Yoruba people, became the focal point of Britain’s colonial practices. In the twentieth century, these areas began to experience economic prosperity and became infused with Western education and missionary practices. This in turn sparked fear among the Northern population who anticipated Southern domination in the case of a British withdrawal. The northern protectorates, mainly inhabited by the Hausa-Fulani, strongly favored ‘cultural preservation’ and the region as a whole thus came to be more isolated than its southern counterparts. As a consequence, the British colonizers discouraged and limited the North’s access to education, missionary activities, and economic policies. In essence, the North was largely left to govern itself through traditional systems.
Nigeria is made up of over 300 different ethnic and cultural groups. It is important to note that these groups were culturally, religiously, and linguistically different already pre-colonial rule. However, these differences were further exacerbated during the British rule. In 1946, the British divided Nigeria into three political units that coincided with the country’s three largest ethnic groups; Hausa-Fulani in the North, Yoruba in the West, and Igbo in the South-East. As the North became the largest territory of the three units – the division also facilitated Northern domination in Nigerian politics. As the North region had a slightly larger population than the West and East regions combined, it was allocated the majority of seats in the Federal Legislature established by British colonial rule.
Within these three newly established regions, each dominating ethnic group formed a political party that was largely regional and based on ethnic allegiances. In the East, the Igbos established the National Convention for Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) which was led by Nnamdi Azikiwe. In the West, the Yoruba formed the Action Group (AG) under Obafemi Awolowo. In the north, the Hausa-Fulani created the Northern People's Congress (NPC) headed by Ahmadu Bello. The initial formation of these regional political parties can be said to have laid the foundation for the ethnic-nationalist parties in Nigeria that to the present day continue to shape the political landscape of the country. The ethnic tensions that had only increased during British colonial rule did not disappear when independence came in 1960. Rather, they became even more prominent. Essentially, Nigeria’s first five years as an independent state saw intense competition between the regional blocks that had been created during colonial rule.
Various social movements became prominent and voiced their discontent with the federal regime. Regional tension further rose as the three semi-autonomous regions were ruled by political parties that enjoyed enormous power. Access to natural resources, such as oil, also played into this, as fears of certain (ethnic) domination rose when regional governments gained access to these lucrative resources. In an attempt to starve off the regional competition, the federal government created a Mid-West region in 1963 by dividing the previous West region into two territories. Yet, hostilities between the three largest ethnic groups remained, as did the tensions between the North and South; the North was afraid that the Southern elite would take over power, and the South voiced concern about Northern political domination. At the end of the first federal election in 1964 – NPC, in coalition with NCNC, was declared the winner. Nevertheless, due to accusations of rigging and voting irregularities in this election and the 1965 Western regional election, political dissent became rampant and the country found itself in turmoil.
Military coups
On 15 January 1966, a military coup took place which ultimately disbanded the civilian government and brought the Nigerian Army Chief, Major General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi, to power. The coup was staged by a group of Army officers and resulted in several people killed, including prime minister Balewa and two regional premieres, from the North and the West regions respectively. As the coup makers were mainly from the East and the Mid-West, and with the majority of the people involved being Igbo, the coup was perceived by many as an attempt by the Igbos to seize power in Nigeria. This perception was further emphasized by the fact that much of the political and military elite from the North and West had been killed.
A few months after the coup, on 24 May 1966, the new military Head of State replaced Nigeria’s federal structure with a unitary republic. In other words, this meant that the concept of regions was abolished and a unitary government was imposed. This decision sparked tension in the North as the fear of Southern domination rose to the surface again. It was also during this period that General Chukwuemeka “Emeka” Odumegwu Ojukwu was appointed as the military governor of the Eastern region.
Following the decision to scrap the federal structure, violent riots took place in the North and were mainly directed at Igbo civilians. For example, excessive violence in May resulted in thousands of Igbo residents killed. Tensions rose and peaked on 29 July 1966 with a counter-coup, as mainly Northern officers came together and targeted and killed Aguiyi-Ironsi. The Army Chief of Staff, Colonel Yakubu Gowon, rose as a new military leader. Gowon was a Christian, deriving from a minority tribe in the North, and was thought by many as being able to bridge the gap between the North and the South. However, the military governor of the Eastern region, Ojukwu, refused to recognize the new leadership. Ojukwu even threatened with secession if certain grievances and demands were not met by the new Head of State.
During this time anti-Igbo sentiments ran high in Northern Nigeria, especially with the January coup still fresh in mind. In late September 1966, a new wave of violence, led by the Army, targeted Igbos in northern Nigeria. Thousands of Igbos are believed to have been killed during the pogroms that took place in both May and September 1966. These events sparked an exodus, with almost two million people migrating back from the North to the East. By the end of the year, people in the East, especially the Igbo, were generally fearful and bitter towards the federal government. It was obvious that the hostilities needed to be addressed somehow. However, the Eastern military governor Ojukwu claimed that he could not leave the region for talks with the government due to safety concerns after the second coup had taken place. Meanwhile, Nigeria’s Head of State Gowon was advised not to enter the Eastern region due to similar safety concerns. Accordingly, talks could not be held inside Nigeria, and in a last effort to save the country from havoc, the two parties met on neutral ground in Aburi, Ghana.
The Aburi Accord
Representatives from the federal government and the Eastern region met in Aburi at the beginning of January 1967. Discussions centered around the deployment of Nigerian troops, and the reorganization of the Army after the second coup. Ojukwu wanted a reorganization of the army on a regional basis, which Gowon opposed. Ojukwu further argued that Nigeria was no longer led by a central government after the second coup. Rather, the country was now divided into three separate sovereign areas (Lagos-West-North, Mid-West, and East). In contrast, Gowon argued that Nigeria was still one nation, made up of four regions, led by a central government. Discussions went on but concrete solutions to the national tensions were only vaguely addressed. Ultimately, the two-day meeting resulted in the so-called Aburi Accord or Aburi Declaration.
Among the clauses of this accord, two of them turned out to be precarious. The first stated that federal legislative and executive powers should continue to reside in the Supreme Military Council, responsible for making decisions on all national matters. However, the clause also stated that when the Supreme Military Council could not meet and decide on national matters, they should be decided by the regional military governors. The second problematic clause stated that the country should revert to the Republican Constitution that existed before the January coup in 1966, essentially revoking the decrees that had been passed since then. In other words, the semi-autonomous status of the regions should be restored and power should be decentralized.
Despite the Aburi Accord, the diplomatic efforts can largely be said to have failed, as the federal government delayed the implementation of the accord. In a letter to Gowon and other military governors, Ojukwu wrote in February 1967 that “[…] if the Aburi agreements are not fully implemented […] I shall have no alternative but to […] take whatever measures are necessary”. In an attempt to break the power of the regions, and to avoid the feared secession by the Eastern region, Gowon declared the creation of 12 new states on 27 May 1967. This meant that the Eastern region was split into three states; East-Central State, South-Eastern State, and Rivers State. The Igbo lost the support of the minority groups in the region and only became the dominant ethnic group in the new East-Central state. The creation of new states also meant that the petroleum resources that previously belonged to the Eastern Region now became the property of the South-Eastern State and Rivers State, where the Igbo did not have control. The creation of new states also meant that Ojukwu’s role as governor of the Eastern region came to an end as the region no longer formally existed.
On 30 May 1967, after a mandate from the Constituent Assembly in Enugu, Ojukwu declared the secession of the three states of the Eastern region under the name of The Republic of Biafra. In a radio broadcast that day, Ojukwu stated: “Fellow countrymen and women […] having mandated me to proclaim on your behalf, and in your name, that Eastern Nigeria be a sovereign independent Republic”. This was interpreted by the government as an act of rebellion and as a response, the federal government imposed economic blockades on Biafra to weaken its ability to successfully secede. Furthermore, on 6 July 1967, the Nigerian army fired their first bullet in Biafra, and a full-scale war commenced.
The Nigerian Civil War
The Nigerian army entered Biafra territory on 6 July 1967 in the name of a ‘police action’, which truly meant a military action undertaken without a formal declaration of war. This played into the hands of the Republic of Biafra - the government had started a war and Biafra was merely defending itself. The Nigerian government was far more advanced in terms of military equipment and tactics used on the battlefield compared to the groups defending the Biafran territory. The government troops, together with local military units, succeeded in capturing several small towns during the first weeks of the war. The Biafran troops, led by General Ojukwu, launched their counter-offensive in August and were successful in taking over the Mid-West region of Nigeria. In response to this, Major General Gowon declared “total war” against Biafra and announced that the government would mobilize the entire Nigerian population for the war.
The government’s military superiority became clear just a few months after the fighting had begun when the Army captured Enugu on 4 October 1967. The town had functioned as the Biafran Capital and with the takeover the Nigerian government hoped that support for secession would subside. However, Ojukwu and his forces swiftly relocated their headquarters to Umuahia and popular support did not waver. On 19 May 1968, a little over six months after the capturing of Enugu, government forces advanced further and captured Port Harcourt which was Biafra’s only remaining air link to the outside world.
The battle for resources played a part in the war and further deepened regionalism. At the start of the Biafran War in May 1967, 65% of Nigeria’s crude oil production came from oil originating from the Eastern region. The economic blockade that was imposed on Biafra following Ojukwu’s declaration of secession, banning all imports and exports to Biafra, was extended in late June 1967 to also include oil. Biafra could ultimately not make use of the oil resources that they controlled. With the capture of Port Harcourt, the government gained full control of vital petroleum facilities and after serious reparation, the petroleum facilities started to run again. Eventually, the facilities produced a sufficient number of barrels per day to yield royalties that the government could spend on war materials. This economic superiority contributed to the growing military disparity between the warring parties, which led to Biafran troops starting to surrender.
Humanitarian crisis
With the capture of Port Harcourt in 1968, the conflict entered a new phase., The Biafran side had suffered major losses and was not able to make any significant advances, while the government troops, on the other hand, were able to make several major offensives during this time, further reducing the Biafran territory. Biafra was fully surrounded during this period, and completely landlocked.
It was during this period that a shift in Biafran communication could be discerned. A deviation from the original narrative of the survival of an independent state, to center more around the survival of the Igbo people who were said to be threatened by extinction at the hands of the government. The May and September 1966 pogroms and the subsequent famine were compared to the Holocaust, and the overall treatment of Igbos in Nigeria was compared to Germany’s treatment of Jews during the Second World War. This narrative became a successful base on which Biafra could build wide international support.
In February 1968, Ojukwu arranged for the Swiss publicity company Markpress to assist Biafra. The company was hired to endorse the Biafran cause abroad and to report on the suffering of the population in the region. This publicity move resulted in increased external support for Biafra. Indeed, it was first in mid-1968 that the outside world began to pay attention to the Biafran war, largely due to the role of international media.
With Biafra being landlocked, the economic blockade imposed by the government at the beginning of the conflict led to a humanitarian crisis. The blockade meant that no humanitarian aid was allowed to access the region, and with the fall of Port Harcourt, a town located by the Bonny River which is connected to the Gulf of Guinea, Biafra’s connection to the sea was lost. The resources in the area subsequently became even more scarce than before. Additionally, the fierce fighting on Biafran territory had resulted in massive refugee flows, and the area that was still under Biafran control became home to large numbers of internally displaced people.
The Biafran War became infamous for the use of famine as a weapon of war and pictures of starving children were broadcast to the whole world. The Nigerian government even stated that ”all is fair in war, and starvation is one of the weapons of war” which clearly illustrates their view on civilian life in Biafra.
In response to the famine, and the economic blockade of the Biafra region, several Protestant and Catholic Church groups, and other NGOs organized the so-called Biafra airlift. It was the largest civilian airlift, after the Berlin airlift during the Cold War, and was also supported, though covertly, by several countries. The International Committee of the Red Cross was prominent in providing Biafra with aid through land and sea operations. However, when the Nigerian government banned relief flights into Biafra the organization obeyed and stopped their deliveries into the region. Specifically, the government banned night flights for food aid to Biafra, and as the majority of the relief flights took place during the night due to fear of being attacked during the daytime, aid abruptly came to a halt.
International involvement
Following the increased international attention, Ivory Coast, Gabon, Tanzania, and Zambia all recognized Biafra in 1968; mostly in an attempt to force a peace agreement between the two parties. Several peacemaking attempts were made by the Organization of African Unity (now the African Union (AU)), the pope, and other international organizations and states. However, the attempts were all ineffective as the warring parties refused to meet.
Both France and Portugal provided Biafra with covert external support, while never formally recognizing Biafra. France supplied Biafra with heavy weapons, small arms, ammunition, and mercenary fighters. Until the Soviet interference in 1968, Portugal, and Czechoslovakia supported Biafra with arms, with many Portuguese pilots serving in the Biafran Air Force who were thus able to fly in weapons from Portugal.
Heavily invested in the country’s oil production, the United Kingdom supplied the Nigerian government with weapons, provided military intelligence, and assisted with the hiring of mercenaries. The Soviet Union, who also shared the government’s opposition to internal secessionist movements, assisted the Nigerian government with military aircraft, strongly supporting Nigeria’s cause. At the beginning of the war, the United Kingdom asked the Nigerian government specifically not to destroy the British oil installations in the Eastern region. Two-fifths of Nigeria’s oil was exported to Britain during this period - with Nigerian oil being cheaper than Persian Gulf oil due to the Six-Day War in the Middle East and the subsequent blocking of the Suez Canal. Geo-political tensions could be discerned between the Soviet and Britain as the latter, being afraid of increased Soviet influence in Nigeria, increased their weapons supplies to the government .
A rapid collapse
Having been in a stalemate essentially since the takeover of Port Harcourt in 1968, the conflict lulled in intensity between 1968 and 1969. The government made slow progress, shrinking the Biafran territory with each military offensive. In March 1969, Biafran troops were able to make some advancements, even closing in on territories surrounding Port Harcourt and capturing oil fields in the area. In July of the same year, Biafran forces, together with foreign mercenaries, launched a major offensive attacking Nigerian military airfields. Despite their military efforts, the offensives were not enough to severely weaken the Nigerian military, though, and with the growing British support, the government was able to regroup, rearm, and, commence the last stage of the war.
In December 1969, the government launched a serious offensive that successfully split the remaining area of the Biafran territory in two. By this time, the Biafran troops were short on ammunition and other important materiel, its people were starving to death, and after the government offensive, the Biafran forces only controlled one-sixth of the territory it had declared as the Republic of Biafra in 1967. On 11 January 1970, Ojukwu fled into Ivory Coast, and the Republic of Biafra rapidly collapsed. Four days later, the Biafran deputation formally surrendered in Lagos, on the date four years after the January coup of 1966 that virtually provoked the Nigerian civil war.
Lingering pro-Biafra sentiments
Even though the war formally ended, the Igbos still felt marginalized and discriminated against and the ethnic grievances that sparked the civil war remained. Pro-Biafran sentiments were still very much alive which set the stage for future secessionist agitations. These agitations intensified further over the decades, fanned by inter-ethnic clashes and the prevalence of farmer-herder conflicts in the country, as well as by the agenda championed by IS and JAS for an Islamic State. Adding to this is the fact that the political landscape in Nigeria is still largely centered around various ethno-nationalist agendas and the main political parties are still principally tied to the largest ethnic groups in the country.
In the southeast, there were lingering sentiments that the central government was not investing in the region, deeply tied to the legacy of colonial rule. With the creation of regions and subsequent states after independence, the Igbos were allocated smaller territories compared to the Hausa and the Yoruba, which left them smaller budget allocations.
Since the end of the civil war, many pro-Biafran groups have risen, all with the same overarching goal: an independent Biafran republic. For example, in 1999 the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) was founded by Ralph Uwazuruike. The group, relying on non-violence and staging mainly peaceful protests and rallies, was said to have a 25-step plan on how to achieve its goals, which led it to relaunch the old Biafran currency in 2005 and introduce Biafran passports in 2009. Members of the group have been victims of mass arrests (including the leader Uwazuruike), harassment, and unlawful killings by government forces. Another prominent pro-Biafran group to emerge was the Biafran Zionist Front (BZF) which split from MASSOB in 2010 following a leadership tussle. The group was led by Benjamin Onwuka and was influenced by the ideology of Zionism. Despite being a rather small group, they were responsible for the so-called Enugu Government house attack in 2014. BZF took control over the state house for four hours and raised the Biafran flag. There were no reports of casualties during the attack. In 2017, the group announced an interim government, with Onwuka as president, in an attempt to push for an independent Biafra. However, in 2018 many BZF members, including Onwuka, were arrested. The group’s activities were heavily scaled down which ultimately paved the way for a new pro-independence group to take over the torch.
The emergence of IPOB
Out of the various pro-Biafra groups, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) became the largest and most prominent in the 21st century. IPOB was the first pro-Biafran group in modern times to wage armed conflict against the Nigerian government. The group was founded in 2012 by Nnamdi Kanu and Uche Mefor and proclaimed the need for an independent republic of Biafra initially calling for a peaceful settlement of the issue through the holding of a referendum. IPOB gained widespread popular support over the years, especially in connection to the arrest of Kanu in 2015.
Before the armed conflict between IPOB and the Nigerian government became active in UCDP data, unarmed civilian protesters were often targeted by the Nigerian government; between August 2015 and August 2016, over 100 civilian pro-Biafra protesters were killed by the government in the southeast. In 2017, IPOB was dubbed a terrorist organization by the Nigerian government.
In December 2020, the Eastern Security Network (ESN) was formed by IPOB. ESN was the paramilitary wing of IPOB, or in the words of IPOB “a vigilante group aimed at protecting civilians against terrorists and occupation by herders”. The forming of ESN could be viewed as an escalation of the tense situation between the Government and IPOB. In late January 2021, the Nigerian army moved into Orlu town, Imo state, in search of ESN troops. With the support of the Nigerian Air Force, the troops burned houses, clashed with ESN members, enforced a strict curfew, and caused a civilian mass migration from the area.
Tensions in the southeast reached a peak following the Orlu crisis. Following the violent events in Orlu town, IPOB demanded the governors in the southeast to ban open grazing. The reason behind this was the Igbo’s longstanding conflict with the Fulani herders in the area, an ethnic group that engaged in grazing when raising their livestock. If the governors would not adhere to IPOB’s demand, ESN troops would be deployed to enforce the ban. However, IPOB did not give the governors any time to respond as only a few days after the ultimatum, ESN attacked a Fulani camp in Abia state, both burning houses and killing livestock.
Hostilities and direct clashes occurred again in February 2021. The government conducted airstrikes just outside of Orlu, arrested several IPOB members, and clashed with ESN troops. Fighting raged for several days and spread outside of Imo state. It was against this backdrop that IPOB stated “We wish to bring to the attention of the whole world that the Nigeria military has, at last, brought war to Biafra land. […] The second Nigeria/Biafra war has begun! It began on Thursday, February 18, 2021, at Orlu in Imo State, Biafra land”. Throughout 2021, fighting took place between the Government and IPOB, mostly centered in Imo and Anambra states. In April 2021, the armed conflict reached the 25 battle-related deaths threshold and became active in UCDP data.
In June 2021, Kanu was arrested by Interpol and handed over to Nigerian authorities. With its centralized structure and sole authority under a ‘supreme’ leader, IPOB was not prepared for the sudden arrest of its leader. The group was formed in such a way that no other person within the hierarchy of IPOB, other than Kanu, could give orders to the group. In August, IPOB declared a sit-at-home protest for the release of Kanu, a move that affected the conflict context since IPOB has continued to violently enforce these sit-at-home orders throughout the conflict. Over the years, IPOB has split into several smaller factions – some more violent than others. Ultimately, the wider support among the Igbos was diluted. Adding to this was the fact that some of IPOB’s violent attacks against Fulani herders resulted in retaliatory attacks by Fulani, often directed at civilians (mostly Igbos).
In December 2021, the Government set up the state-sponsored vigilante group named Ebubeagu. The official aim was for the security outfit to assist the government in combatting the uprising of crimes in five main regions: Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo states. Yet, many argued that the unofficial aim of the group was to fight IPOB and their armed wing ESN. Ebubeagu was accused of severe human rights abuses, extortions, and illegal arrests. In February 2023, the security outfit was formally disbanded in Ebonyi state.
As previously mentioned, the numerous pro-independence groups in Biafra never succeeded in forming a united front. While IPOB rose to be the most prominent and outspoken group, this was not without tension. Another prominent secessionist group, Biafra Nations League (BNL) has argued that IPOB has sidelined other separatist groups in the struggle for an independent Biafra. During late 2023 and early 2024, BNL moved their area of operation more into the Bakassi peninsula, claiming it should be part of Biafran territory, and frequently clashed with the Cameroonian government.
Over the years, IPOB has split into several smaller factions – some more violent than others. Ultimately, the wider support among the Igbos was diluted Yet, two main factions could be crystalized following Kanu’s re-apprehension in June 2021; Directorate of State (DOS) led by Chika Edoziem, and Autopilot led by Simon Ekpa. Both factions claimed to have Kanu’s support and accused each other of working with the Nigerian government. Autopilot had a reputation for being more brutal than DOS, regularly giving sit-at-home orders and ruthlessly enforcing them. The fighting between the Nigerian government and IPOB was mainly characterized by sporadic clashes. Throughout the conflict the Nigerian government has conducted small-scale raids, targeting IPOB hide-outs and bomb factories. IPOB mostly focused on attacking army posts and police stations.
