This dyad belongs to the conflict Iran: Government
Summary of conflict Iran: Government
The goal to overthrow the Iranian government and replace it with a more democratic system has been shared by several groups throughout several decades. Initially, the MEK (Mujahideen e Khalq, Peoples Mujahedin of Iran) organised themselves in the 1970s against the government leading to an armed conflict. In the mid-2000s the new groups PJAK (Parti Jiyani Azadi Kurdistan, The Free Life Party of Kurdistan) and Jondullah (Gods Army) entered the scene. Both groups suffered significant defeats in 2011 and 2010 respectively, leading to a period of relative calm. A Jondullah splinter group, Jaish al-Adl, was active in 2019.
PJAK renewed its struggle in 2016. A low level armed insurgency has been active since 2018, including in 2021. The group has been unable to sustain any permanent presence within Iran itself, instead mainly operating from safe havens in Iraq.
Opposition to the Shah
MEK (Mujahideen e Khalq; Peoples Mujahideen) has changed its image more than once over the course of its existence. Its roots lie in the early 1960s in a nationalistic, liberal, lay-religious party, called the Liberation Movement. After a failed uprising against the Shah in June 1963, many of the movements leaders were imprisoned and the younger generation, fuelled by the outbreak of guerrilla movements all around the world, advocated that the organization should turn from non-violence to an armed struggle. It was the younger members of the Liberation Movement who formed MEK, which became the more religiously oriented, anti-American offspring to the Liberation Movement. MEK remained underground from around 1963 to 1971, during which time the leaders studied guerrilla tactics and developed the groups ideology and interpretation of Shii Islam.
The groups potential for violence was developed as members were sent to train in PLO (Palestine Liberation Organisation) camps in Lebanon and Jordan. In 1971 the group attempted to attack the state but the operations were foiled, resulting in the execution of the founders and the arrest of many members of the group. This led to an influx of new leaders and members with a more Marxist-centered ideology, eventually causing the group to splinter. In the period leading up to the 1979 Islamic Revolution, MEK leaders were released from prison and, although the organization was weak and had been counteracted by the Shah’s regime, as well as by the clerics and Marxists, they managed to become Irans largest political movement. The Marxist-Leninist splinter group became known as the Paykar Organisation during the revolution.
The Iranian revolution 1979; outbreak of conflict.
The political landscape of Iran changed drastically in 1979 as the Islamic revolution, masterminded by Ayatollah Khomeini, succeeded. During the violent overthrow of Dr Bakhtiar’s government many lives were lost. Over 300 deaths were reported from the capital Teheran alone. The outcome of the revolution was the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran; in this republic little tolerance towards oppositional political tendencies was accepted. One of many marginalized groups was the MEK (Mujahideen e Khalq; Peoples Mujahideen) an Islamic group that despite its religious overtones was shunned due to its left wing tendencies. The theocratic government of Ayatollah Khomeini showed no interest in establishing a multi-party system in Iran, on the contrary, oppositional parties such as MEK were targeted and victims of politically motivated violence following the Iranian revolution of 1979.
In response the MEK launched a campaign of violence, initiated in 1979 and ongoing during the following years. When Mohammad Javad Bahonar was sworn in as Prime Minister, in March 1981, following the assassination of his predecessor, he immediately imposed a state of emergency in a number of towns and cities to counter the threats posed by, amongst others, the MEK. The judicial system of Iran was largely uncontrolled, the courts ruled arbitrarily and by Islamic law. Given this atmosphere of doubtful legal security, imprisonment and executions without formally charging prisoners were commonplace. Acts of violence directed towards the government were numerous given these prerequisites. The violence was manifested both through assassinations of leading politicians, as well as by battles between MEK forces and the government’s Revolutionary Guards. Iranians in exile supported MEK in there struggle against the Iranian government. There were, on several occasions, and different locations, demonstrations and even hostage takings at Iranian embassies during the early eighties.
The repressions from the government were harsh, since the revolution up until March 1982 well over 3125 executions were carried out. In addition to the domestic issue of the armed insurgency put up by MEK, Iran was at war with its neighbor, Iraq. During the course of this conflict the MEK supported the Iraqi side, a support that had a distinctly negative effect on the support for MEK’s cause amongst fellow Iranians. The capacities of the MEK were severely diminished in early 1983; this was largely due to increased government repression. Arrests, executions and harassment of suspected supporters of the left wing group were common and largely increased during the first half of 1983. It became apparent that the government had suppressed the counterrevolutionaries in 1983, however arrests and executions continued. The rebels, however, weren’t completely defeated; the conflict did not reach the threshold value of 25 battle related deaths during the three years following 1982. The conflict however became active again in 1986.
Second wave of conflict, 1986-1988.
Following a couple of years of low, or no, activity the conflict between MEK and the Iranian government once again reached the threshold value of 25 battle related deaths in 1986. Since the government of Iran had been largely successful in repressing the MEK insurgency, the group was in 1986 led from abroad by Mr Massoud Rajavi who lived in exile, first in Paris, then later in Iraq. The MEK, and its military wing, the NLA (National Liberation Front) were supported, both financially and materially by Iraq. A large part of the MEK organization, including its leader was based in Iraq, the members of the MEK and also the NLA were provided safe havens in Iraq. Many of the camps of MEK were situated near the Iranian border on the Iraqi side, enabling cross border raids and occasionally the opportunity to take advantage of the ongoing war between Iran and Iraq. On one of these occasions the Iraqi air force provided aerial support for NLA forces on one of their incursions into Iranian territory enabling NLA to make a substantial advance into Iran. This event, named “Operation Enduring Light” took place in July 1988 and is one case of NLA and Iraq collaborating against the Iranian government. Since the Iraqi government was at war with Iran during these events the support from Iraq is not considered as secondary warring support.
The repressive approach of the Iranian government continued throughout the eighties, and NGOs such as Amnesty International frequently voiced critique towards the Iranian government and the fashion in which it treated its prisoners and political opponents. In the light of these circumstances the MEK continued their struggle for a change of government in Iran.
Due to the, at the time, ongoing conflict between Iran and Iraq it is difficult to make a clear distinction when it comes to battle-related deaths, since, as mentioned above Iraqi forces oftentimes fought alongside NLA. Casualties may have been recorded as Iraqi soldiers when they were in fact NLA soldiers fighting along side the Iraqis, and vice versa. One incident that is reported as a MEK/NLA military campaign is simultaneously reported as an Iraqi incursion into Iran. Given these uncertainties it is difficult to assert specific numbers of battle related deaths.
Conflicts in the periphery 2005-2011: PJAK and Jondullah
In 2005 a new group became active in the conflict over government power. This was the Kurdish group PJAK (Parti Jiyani Azadi Kurdistan, The Free Life Party of Kurdistan).
The capture of the Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan, by Turkish security forces on 16 February 1999, led to protests and demonstrations in the Kurdish parts of Iran. As a result of these protests Iranian PKK members created a new movement; the Democratic Union Movement. On 25 April 2004 this movement held its first congress and formed a more structured organisation with the name PJAK (Parti Jiyani Azadi Kurdistan, The Free Life Party of Kurdistan). At this congress PJAK also presented its political motivations and goals. PJAK claimed to fight in order to change the present regime in Iran in order to establish a democratic confederate system, with self-governance for Irans different ethnic groups. Naturally, PJAK focused on the Kurdish region of Iran, in the north-west.
PJAKs military wing is referred to as the "Military forces of eastern Kurdistan", or HRK (Hezi Rojhelati Kurdistan). The armed wing is autonomous but still part of the organisation. At the end of July 2005 a member of PJAK was killed by Iranian security forces, and this ignited protests among the Kurds and clashes between PJAK and Iranian soldiers. These clashes were concentrated to the summer and between the end of July and the start of September, 28 people were killed in battle-related events, thus initiating the armed conflict.
PJAK held their second congress between 9 and 19 November, in an undisclosed location in the Kurdish mountains. PJAK announced that it was loyal to the Kurdish national leader Abdullah Öcalan. The relation between PJAK and KDPI is unclear, but PJAK claims that they have been in contact with them to create a Kurdish front in Iranian politics; but this was not well received by KDPI. PJAK continued its fighting in 2006 and since the fighting has been located mainly to the north-western parts of Iran. It mostly engages directly with the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, yet not with the goal to defeat Iran militarily, but to complement and protect its political activists.
In 2006 an additional group became active in this conflict; the Jondullah (Army of God). Jondullah is a group of Baluch origin, with a clear Sunni-oriented religious leaning. The region known as Baluchistan covers the southeast of Iran, the south-west of Afghanistan and extensive parts of western Pakistan.
Jondullahs stated goals are similar to those of PJAK, demanding a democratic system in Iran in which all people of different races, collars, religions and beliefs have equal rights in managing the affairs of their country. Even though Jondullah has a national agenda the groups focus is Baluchistan. Jondullah pronounced that the socio-economic situation in Baluchistan was devastating and that Sunni people did not have the same rights as Shia (Irans majority religious group).
The group existed since 2003 and had carried out several attacks during the 2003-2005 period. However, it was not until 2006 the dyad reached the threshold of 25 battle-related deaths. Since, the group fought mainly in the Sistan and Baluchestan province of Iran. While its strategy first centered around small-unit ambushes, assassinations and abductions, suicide bombings became its main tool after it launched its first suicide bombing mission in 2009. In 2010, Jondullah,s leader, Rigi was arrested and later executed when his plane from Dubai to Kyrgyzstan was forced to land when flying over Iranian airspace. The previously unknown Muhamed Baloch took over leadership. While Iran often claimed that the US supported Jondullah activities, in November 2010 the group was designated a terrorist organization by the US Department of State. The Iranian government however maintained the claim that the United States and Israel intelligence bureaus supported Jondullahs efforts.
Jondullah was significantly weakened by the death of Rigi, with many members breaking away and forming new groups, the strongest of which was Jaish al-Adl (Army of Justice).
The conflict with PJAK became highly active again in 2011 after failing to reach the 25 battle-related-deaths threshold in 2010. PJAK launched several attacks against Iranian police and border stations during the spring, but the conflict greatly escalated in July when the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) launched a major offensive against PJAK in north-western Iran and the border regions in Iraq. By the end of September 2011, the IRGC had succeeded in driving PJAK from Iranian soil. As both Jondullah and PJAk was significantly weakened after 2011 the conflict over government in Iran entered a period of relative calm.
A second wave of conflicts in the periphery?
Following the ousting of PJAK from Iran, the conflict intensity decreased significantly between 2012 and 2015, though occasional clashes occurred. In 2016, PJAK declared their intention to reinitiate the armed struggle, with the conflict becoming active again in 2018, 2020 and 2021. This happened simultaneously as another Kurdish group, KDPI (Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran), renewed their armed conflict for the territory of Iranian Kurdistan. Both groups mostly attacked Iranian security forces after entering Iran from bases across the border in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, appearing unable to sustain any permanent presence within Iran itself.
After sustaining a low intensity insurgency in Sistan and Baluchestan since 2013, Jaish al-Adl reached the threshold of 25 battle-related deaths for the first time in 2019 through the use of suicide bombings targeting Iranian military convoys. Jaish al-Adl was in many ways similar to Jondullah, as it was also a group of Baluch origin, with Sunni-oriented religious leaning. Its declared goal is the establishment of a federal system in Iran, and to end injustices, discrimination and marginalization of minorities, particularly Baluchi and Sunni minorities. The Iranian government considered the group as a al-Qaeda affiliate, and it was designated a terrorist organization by the United States. However, Salahuddin Farooqi, leader of Jaish al-Adl, rejected the allegation that it was an extremist organization or had any ties to al-Qaeda. The group was active in the Sistan and Baluchestan provine in southeastern Iran, though it had bases across the border in Pakistan from which it conducted cross-border operations into Iranian territory.
