SUMMARY
Unlike other multiethnic countries in the Sub-Saharan African context, the Somali society is characterized by a vast system of clans. Most of the population belongs to one of the five overarching clan families namely the Darod, the Isaaq, the Hawiye, the Dir, and the Rahanweyn (also known as Rewin or Digil-Mirifle). Each clan family is further divided into sub-clans and in some cases into sub-sub-clans. The origins of the clans are shared and each clan is related to the others, yet there are differences in terms of culture, tradition, and the form of life.
Up until independence in 1960, the Somali society was organized according to the clan system and each clan had a leader and a council of elders. These leaders played a major role in daily life and especially in intertribal relations. The council of elders was responsible for maintaining peace and harmony amongst the Somali people. Weakened clans were, for example, to be protected and were at times integrated into stronger clans in order to assure its survival. When inter-clan conflicts did occur, rules of conduct were agreed upon; such as caring for the injured or the treatment of prisoners.
During the post-independence era, traditional structures were replaced by modern governmental and judicial institutions hence removing the power once given to the clan leader and the council of the elders. As a result, relations between clans continuously deteriorated, which in turn also resulted in a stronger sense of affiliation to one’s own clan. This process contributed to, and was further strengthened by, the outbreak of the intra-state conflict in Somalia which began at the end of 1982. Clan-related conflicts continued to fuel non-state conflicts in Somalia.
In the last days of November and the beginning of December 1990, clashes erupted between members of the Abgal clan (Hawiye) and members of Galgalo. The events took place against the backdrop of growing tensions in Somalia, which would eventually lead to the end of President Mohammed Siad Barre’s reign in the country. Members of the Abgal clan (Hawiye) in Mogadishu accused Galgalo of instigating the clashes between the two groups and claimed that Barre’s government had supplied the group with weapons. Barre, himself of the Marehan sub-clan (Darod), was said to be aiding those who were willing to work against groups that supported the rebellion against him. The Abgal clan (Hawiye) made up the backbone of the USC (United Somali Congress), one of the main rebel groups fighting Barre, and was, therefore, a plausible target for Barre and those loyal to him. Both groups were fairly well-armed, and both machine guns and grenades were used in the fighting.
In reaction to the violence between the two groups, the government sent in the army, which was ordered to shoot looters as a means to quell the growing turmoil in the capital. There were also reports that hundreds of USC fighters arrived in the capitol only days later in order to assist the Abgal clan (Hawiye), since Ali Mahdi, one of the leaders of the USC was a member of the Harti sub-clan of the Abgal clan. To what degree the arrival of these USC forces was a response to the Abgal clan (Hawiye) versus Galgalo violence and to what degree it was a continuation of the state-based conflict is difficult to know. However, shortly after their arrival Barre was forced to flee. In that sense the violence between the Abgal clan (Hawiye) and the Galgalo had, at least an indirect relationship to the state-based conflict that led to the ousting of Siyad Barre.
The non-state conflict between Abgal clan (Hawiye) and Galgalo is first included in UCDP data in 1990. In December of that year violent clashes flared up in Mogadishu, resulting in over 25 battle-related deaths.
