SUMMARY
The Force d’autodéfense Biloze Bishambuke (FABB), also known as Mayi-Mayi Biloze Bishambuke, is a coalition of predominantly Bafuliiru and Banyindu self-defense groups active in Sud Kivu’s Hauts and Moyens-Plateaux. The movement emerged in 2012 around the village of Milimba, primarily as a response to cattle theft and attacks allegedly perpetrated by rival armed actors, including the Mayi Mayi Yakutumba. Its founding figure, Commander Chochi, a Munyindu veteran of earlier local Mayi Mayi militias, initially demobilized but returned to armed activity after a failed arrest in Minembwe linked to land conflict with Banyamulenge communities. Over time, Biloze Bishambuke expanded into the Itombwe Highlands near Bijombo and incorporated a patchwork of other factions, gradually rebranding as FABB around 2020.
The coalition has since included commanders such as Mulumba, Kazadi, Ilunga, and Assani Mbakani, although its internal structure remains decentralized and often fragmented. Coordination typically occurs on an ad hoc basis in response to attacks, with no stable chain of command. By 2022, leadership was attributed to figures like General Jean-Pierre Mugengere in Mikenge and military commander Ngomanzito, who replaced Hassani Mbakani after internal disputes. The FABB has had a contentious and fluid relationship with other actors in the region. It has mainly fought against Banyamulenge-aligned groups such as AFC-Gutabara, Ngumino and Twirwaneho, and the group has been implicated in attacks on Banyamulenge civilians.
FABB's role in eastern Congo's complex war landscape grew more complicated through fluctuating alliances. While historically affiliated with the CNPSC coalition led by Yakutumba, they have at times aligned with it and with other groups. However, the group’s most controversial move has been its cooperation with AFC/M23 via Red Tabara and Twirwaneho, which has strained internal cohesion. This cooperation, particularly regarding gold exploitation in Bigaragara and Rugezi, became a flashpoint of conflict in 2023–2024, especially after the Burundian army (FDNB) dislodged Red Tabara. These tensions led to infighting: Ngomanzito suspended FABB’s political leader, Naluhogola, in March 2024, accusing him of colluding with enemy forces and misappropriating funds received at an AFC summit in Nairobi. A parallel dispute with former commander Hassani Mbakani erupted as he opposed collaboration with Red Tabara and sought to reclaim influence in his former strongholds.
CNPSC (Coalition nationale du peuple pour la souveraineté du Congo, National Coalition of the People for the Sovereignty of the Congo) was a Bembe-dominated armed group that originated out of the many Mayi Mayi militia groups that were active in DR Congo during the nineties. It was initially established under the name Mayi Mayi Réformé (or Maï Maï Réformé, Reformed Mayi Mayi) on 23 January 2007 to emphasize its character and distinction from other Mayi Mayi militias, which were deemed easily corruptible. However, sometime in 2010 or 2011, the group reorganized and formally renamed itself PARC-FAAL (Parti pour l’action et la reconstruction du Congo-Forces armées alléluia, Party for Action and the Reconstruction of the Congo-Allelujah Armed Forces). In July 2017, although possibly even as early back as 2013, the group was renamed once again and became CNPSC (National Coalition of the People for the Sovereignty of the Congo or Coalition nationale du peuple pour la souveraineté du Congo) and alliance of different Mayi Mayi in the region.
Mayi Mayi Réformé originally mobilized to defend the Bembe community from the Banyamulenge. However, during the time that Mayi Mayi Réformé transitioned into PARC-FAAL, the group also re-orientated its fight toward the Government of DR Congo (Zaire) led by President Joseph Kabila, who it argued was acting as an agent for the Rwandan government. The group maintained this focus when it re-branded itself into CNPSC and became active again in the wake of President Kabila’s refusal to step down as expected at the end of 2016. Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo became President after disputed elections in January 2019. This change did not immediately lead to a change in the aim of the group. Most of the groups in the alliance believed that Kabila would still continue to rule with Tshisekedi as a puppet. Tshisikedi slowly managed to distance himself from Kabila and after the return of M23, supported by Rwanda, CNPSC and the Government of DR Congo found a common enemy to fight against.
Throughout its whole period of activity, CNPSC remained in the South Kivu province of DR Congo with its primary areas of activity being Fizi and Uvira territories. Up until January 2018, CNPSC had an established system of parallel administration within Fizi territory, which included a “Ministry of Interior and Security” located in Kazimia to control taxation, migration and security. Territorial control fluctuated greatly to include wider areas at times, such as across South Kivu province to Maniema province and down to northern parts of Tanganyika province. In 2023 the group even moved north, towards Nord Kivu, to fight M23. However, at other times, the CNPSC only controlled limited areas within Fizi territory.
Most members of CNPSC were from the Bembe ethnic group that dominated the territory of Fizi or were drawn from refugee camps in Tanzania. Many had previous combat experience. Those that joined the group in its early days as Mayi Mayi Réformé were often combatants that had fought for the Mayi Mayi militia led by General Dunia Lwendama and refused to integration into the DR Congo army. At least eleven Mayi Mayi militias joined the alliance to become factions under the CNPSC around 2017, including Mayi Mayi Malaika, René and Hapa na pale. Bembe commanders led many of these militia factions. Over the years some groups have evolved into more independent wings of the alliance while Yakutumba has continued to negotiate and put together different loose coalitions among Mayi Mayi in the Sud Kivu provine. Some estimates put the highest recorded number of troops at around 1500 recruits. However, the number of recruits steadily declined towards the end of 2017 following operations by the armed forces of the DR Congo) and in mid-2018, CNPSC forces were estimated to be at around 200.
When the group reorganized itself from Mayi Mayi Réformé to PARC-FAAL, it became more structured with the PARC wing taking responsibility for political matters whilst FAAL became the military wing. However, this formal structure and control over the group loosened greatly when the group become a wider alliance as the CNPSC. Although it still maintained an overall secretary-general or commander, the separate factions did not seem to have roles in a formal joint command and it was not clear whether a political wing continued to exist as each faction had a lot of autonomy. However, combatants were still reportedly trained by a central core group before being deployed to separate factions, which were positioned in different areas, and strategy and weapon supplies could sometimes be coordinated centrally during attacks. Revenue came mostly from local taxation, control of mining sites and commodity trafficking through regional networks that reached and ran through Tanzania.
Throughout all its various forms, Major General William Amuri Yakutumba was a key leader within the group. He grew up in Lubondja village, within the Ngandja sector of Fizi territory, South Kivu province and became a combatant after leaving his university studies in History and joining the Mayi Mayi militia led by General Dunia Lwendama in his home territory. When the group was structured as PARC-FAAL, Yakutumba served as leader of the military wing before becoming the Secretary-General and overall commander for CNPSC. Raphael Looba Undji was a Bembe politician that failed to secure a parliamentary seat during the 2006 elections in DR Congo. Subsequently, he went on to become the President of the group when it was known as Mayi Mayi Réformé and then leader of the political PARC wing, when the group became PARC-FAAL. He was rumored to be the ideologue and strategist of the original group but had little media visibility later on, when he took on a political focus.
At times, the group was reported to have had informal alliances with other armed groups including the Burundian groups, (Palipehutu-FNL and FPB. There were also varying reports on a link to l’Alliance pour l’Article 64 (the Alliance of Article 64), a DR Congolese group motivated by the constitutional article that conferred a duty on citizens to oppose or disrupt those who seek to violate the DR Congo constitution.
In addition, politicians and business people were rumored to have funded CNPSC, especially from Tanzania and Zambia where large Bembe communities existed, although this was difficult to confirm.
