SUMMARY
OLF (Oromo Liberation Front; called Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo/ABO in the Oromo language) was an armed group active in Ethiopia’s Oromiya territorial conflict. From the 1200s to 1974, Ethiopia was an independent empire that eventually became known as “Abyssinia”; it was one of the few African states that avoided colonization by an European power. Abyssinia was ruled by a succession of Emperors, of which Haile Selassie I was the last one. During the early 1970s, Haile Selassie’s regime began to face increasingly intense domestic opposition, and in September 1974 the Emperor was overthrown and replaced by the Provisional Military Council (PMAC); the junta was however most known as the “Derg”. The new Derg-led Government of Ethiopia then initiated the implementation of a socialist system, and the purging of opposing elements. It was during this tumultuous regime transition that OLF emerged. OLF’s primary goal was “the realization of national self-determination for the Oromo people and their liberation from oppression and exploitation in all forms”, which would be achieved via the creation of an independent Oromiya state. The group thus claimed to represent the Oromo, who despite being Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group had been systematically socioeconomically, culturally, and politically excluded and discriminated against by the Ethiopian government. It should be noted that OLF did not radically change its demands against the Government of Ethiopia, despite several regime changes. In fact, OLF claimed that the emergence of the Derg (1974-1991) and EPRDF (established 1991) regimes were mere “cosmetic” changes that did not substantially improve the situation for the Oromo people, which remained politically and socioeconomically disadvantaged. In particular, OLF claimed that the Amhara and Tigray ethnic groups were favored at the expense of the Oromo.
Reports vary on exactly when OLF was formed, with most sources stating that it occurred sometime in 1973 or in 1974. An embryotic Oromo “national movement” began to emerge already during the 1960s and took the form of two major strands. The first one was the creation of the “Macha-Tuullama Self-Help Association” in 1963; the primary purpose of this movement was to provide social help to the Oromo people, which was neglected by the Ethiopian government. As the movement grew, it became increasingly unpopular with the Government of Ethiopia, which banned it in 1967 forcing its members to go underground. The second strand was an armed uprising that began in 1963 among Oromo peasants in the Bale region. While this loosely organized uprising was put down in 1970, it contributed to the rise of Oromo nationalism. Following these two parallel developments, there was a marked increase in Oromo cultural consciousness during the early 1970s. As the Ethiopian government tried to repress this development, Oromo intellectuals formulated the need for a centralized leadership to protect the Oromo national movement from “Ethiopian (particularly Amhara) colonization”. This led to the emergence of several Oromo political groups, including “Bakalcha Oromo”. At some point during 1973 and 1974, Bakalcha Oromo entered talks with Oromo guerilla fighters – comprised of Oromo who had fled the country during the 1960s and 70s - that had received training abroad, and who were now returning to Ethiopia. Gathering information from various sources, it appears as a secret conference between these groupings was held in Addis Ababa in 1973, out of which OLF was formed in January 1974. On 13-14 June 1976, OLF convened a “Founding Congress” where it had invited a plethora of smaller Oromo movements. At this congress, the group amended its political program, which included a reaffirmation of its commitment to establish an independent Oromiya state.
OLF’s chief executive body was the 5-member Supreme Politico Military Command (SPMC), which was appointed by a Central Committee comprised of 41 group members. The first SPMC – appointed in 1977 – included Muhee Abdoo, Magarsaa Barii, Gadaa Gammadaa, Leenco Lata and Baaroo Tumsaa. At some point prior to 2012, the decision making structure of the group was remodeled. A “General Assembly” was given the primary decision-making power, and the so called “National Council” was made responsible for implementing those decisions. While any detailed information regarding changes in the group’s top leadership was not possible to find, it was clear that Dawoud Ibsa Ayana was appointed OLF chairman in 1999. Most of OLF’s top leaders had been forced into exile in the United States and Europe by the 2010s. OLF maintained an armed wing called the “Oromo Liberation Army” (OLA, or Waraanna Bilisummaa Oromo/WBO in Oromo). Given that OLF existed for several decades, its total cadre strength varied considerably. During the late 1970s, the group had approximately 2000 fighters, and for most of the 1980s this number was estimated to have been around 5000. In 1987, OLF was estimated to have had some 3000 well-trained fighters and an additional “militia” of 10 000 members; similar numbers were estimated until 1991. By the late 1990s and early 2000s, OLF’s total cadre strength was estimated at around a mere 200, before again climbing to 5000 in 2007 and 2008. After this, it was not possible to find any reliable estimates regarding the group’s number of fighters.
In May 1991, EPRDF – a rebel coalition dominated by TPLF – captured Addis Ababa and ousted the Derg-led Government of Ethiopia. In July, a conference between 24 Ethiopian groups and parties met and formed a multinational, transitional council in which OLF received 12 seats out of 87; the group thus became part of the Government of Ethiopia. The transitional council was however dominated by EPRDF. Despite having cooperated occasionally during the 1980s, there were great rivalries between OLF and EPRDF’s TPLF faction, and in the run-up to the June 1992 elections, these animosities led OLF to leave the government. After this, OLF thus reemerged as an independent non-state actor in the UCDP data.
OLF cooperated with several other Ethiopian armed groups during various years of its existence. For example, TPLF – a group pursuing the overthrow of the Derg regime - supported OLF with access to military or intelligence infrastructure as well as training expertise. Furthermore, the two groups cooperated militarily and TPLF provided troops for OLF operations in areas where the government had forcibly resettled Tigray peasants. By 1985, the TPLF support to OLF appeared to have subsided. EPLF - fighting for the independence of Eritrea from Ethiopia - initiated close contacts with OLF in 1980. A cooperation agreement was signed and some Oromo fighters were admitted to EPLF’s training center at its base area in the Eritrean Sahel region. From 1987, EPLF also agreed to let OLF recruit Oromo fighters from among the Eritrean group’s prisoners of war. Throughout the 1980s, EPLF and OLF repeatedly coordinated their military efforts. Furthermore, while the information was scarce, EPLF most likely provided OLF with weapons and training for its fighters during most of the 1980s. Since signing a political and military agreement in 1996, the OLF began coordinating its activities in the diplomatic, political, and military fields with ONLF. For example, OLF and ONLF - fighting for the independence of the Ogaden region - carried out joint attacks on Ethiopian forces. In 1999, the two groups shared bases in Somalia.
The Sudanese government’s stance towards OLF vacillated, very much depending on the status of the relationship between Ethiopia and Sudan. While Sudan’s overall sentiments appear to have been that of support of the anti-Derg rebels – including OLF - and their cause, this support was not unwavering but changed over the years. In 1976, the relationship between the Ethiopian and Sudanese governments reached its lowest point in a long time, when the former backed a failed coup attempt against the latter. In response, the Sudanese government more openly supported some of the Ethiopian rebels. In the case of OLF, it allowed the group to open a foreign affairs office in Khartoum. From 1983 to 1990, OLF was with a few exceptions allowed access to Sudanese territory, which it used to train fighters and to build up rear installations such as grain stores and hospitals; similar support was provided also in 1998. With the outbreak of the interstate [conflict] between Eritrea and Ethiopia in 1998, the former started providing support to OLF as a part of its military strategy. Thus, OLF fighters were trained in Eritrea and shipped to Ethiopia through Somalia; OLF also received weapons from Eritrea via Somalia. In addition, OLF was allowed to open an office in Asmara, where the group’s leadership was subsequently based. Eritrea continued to supply OLF with weapons at least until 2011.
