This dyad belongs to the conflict Morocco: Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (Western Sahara)
Summary of conflict Morocco: Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (Western Sahara)
The conflict over Western Sahara broke out after Spain withdrew from the territory. While Morocco claimed sovereignty over the region, POLISARIO (Frente popular de liberación de Saguia el Hamra y Rio de Oro; Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Rio de Oro) launched an armed struggle for its independence in 1975. As no activity reaching the level of an armed conflict has taken place since 1989, the conflict remains terminated as of that year. However, the basic incompatibility between the parties remains unresolved.
Origins of the conflict and emergence of POLISARIO
The territory known as Western Sahara was annexed by Spain in 1884 and the province of Spanish Sahara was created in 1958 by the merger of the southern Rio de Oro and the northern Saguia el Hamra colonies. The settled population was referred to as Saharawis. In two UN resolutions in the early 1970s, UN called for Spain (in cooperation with Morocco and Mauritania) to set a date for a referendum to decide the future status of the territory. First reluctant to specify this date, Spain finally indicated in 1974 that the referendum was to be held the following year. However, Morocco and Mauritania both rejected the proposal and presented claims of historical ties and former sovereignty of the territory; Morocco concerning the whole territory and Mauritania regarding the southern part Rio de Oro. A major reason for the territorial claims was probably the large resources of phosphate in the territory, reportedly the worlds largest known phosphate deposit.
Meanwhile, several political as well as armed groups emerged within Spanish Sahara, all with different objectives, among them POLISARIO (Frente popular de liberación de Saguia el Hamra y Rio de Oro; Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Rio de Oro). POLISARIO was formed on 10 May 1973, and was initially led by El-Ouali Mustapha Sayed, who had been one of the main forces behind the group’s creation. After his death in action in June 1976, he was replaced by Mohammed Abdelaziz who has remained the Secretary-General of the group since then. POLISARIO also created an armed branch, SPLA (Saharawi People’s Liberation Army) and declared the intention to fight for full independence for Western Sahara. During 1974–1975, POLISARIO gained strong support among the Saharawi people.
Immediately following the formation of POLISARIO, the group began to conduct guerrilla attacks in the territory. However, up until mid-1975, its fighters mainly clashed with Spanish troops. In mid-1975 it was revealed that Morocco and Mauritania had reached a secret agreement to partition Spanish Sahara: the northern part, Saguia el Hamra, would become a Moroccan territory, whereas the southern Rio de Oro would go to Mauritania. After this news, POLISARIO’s armed struggle shifted towards these two states, marking the beginning of both the Morocco (Western Sahara) and the Mauritania (Western Sahara) conflict (for more information on that conflict, see Government of Mauritania–POLISARIO. In the territory claimed by Morocco, POLISARIO switched from attacking Spanish soldiers to instead attacking Moroccan soldiers and military installations.
In an attempt to delay the UN-sponsored independence process, Morocco brought the sovereignty conflict before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague in late 1974. The ruling, announced on 16 October 1975, affirmed that neither Morocco nor Mauritania had any historical ties to the territory strong enough to motivate a prevention of the self-determination process outlined by the UN. Immediately following the announcement of the ICJ’s ruling, however, King Hassan launched the so-called "Green March". This took the form of a march by some 350 000 unarmed Moroccans into Spanish Sahara. The march was widely viewed as a disguised invasion by Morocco. Nevertheless, the march commenced in November and was followed by troops entering the territory in December. Meanwhile, Spain, in internal disarray due to the terminal illness of General Franco and fearing confrontation with Morocco, entered into an agreement ceding administration of Spanish Sahara to Morocco and Mauritania. On 26 February, Spain completed its withdrawal from the territory and on the following day, POLISARIO proclaimed the independent Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). The SADR was immediately recognized by Algeria, precipitating Morocco to end its diplomatic relations with that country.
Armed conflict between POLISARIO and the government of Morocco (1975–1989)
Since the onset of the conflict over the Western Sahara territory, POLISARIO (Frente popular de liberación de Saguia el Hamra y Rio de Oro; Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Rio de Oro) has been the one guerrilla organization challenging the Moroccan government. Founded in 1973, the organization has rejected all proposals short of complete independence. POLISARIO describes itself as nationalist and Islamic socialist, rather than Marxist, which has been its usual denomination. On the opposing side, the Moroccan state has been a monarchy since 1962, with the Prime Minister and the Cabinet appointed by the King. The Western Sahara issue is inseparably linked with King Hassan, who ruled up until his death in 1999. The late king made the annexation a touchstone of his reign, claiming that the territory had been part of a precolonial Moroccan empire. The policies of his son and successor, King Mohammed VI, indicate that he is equally unwilling to give up the territory.
Mauritania withdrew in 1979 and renounced all territorial claims to Western Sahara. However, other external actors have been involved in the conflict over the years. While the US, France and Saudi Arabia provided the Moroccan government with arms, training and money for military supplies, POLISARIO received various types of assistance from Algeria and Libya in particular, but also reportedly from North Korea, Cuba, and Yugoslavia. Especially the assistance from Algeria was crucial, and it is considered unlikely that POLISARIO would have been able to continue waging war without its help.
The military character of the conflict went through different phases during the years it was active. Initially, POLISARIO entrenched itself in the southern half of Western Sahara, taking over desert forts and outposts as the Spanish left. In the first few years, the rebels focused militarily on the conflict against Mauritania, in the hope to quickly drive the weaker of its two adversaries out of the territory. During this period armed activity in the Morocco (Western Sahara) conflict was relatively low. However, after the conflict with Mauritania ended and as Moroccan forces massed against them, POLISARIO soon changed its strategy and turned to classic guerrilla warfare with small-scale attacks and ambushes. Due to their mobility and intimate knowledge of the surroundings, this strategy worked in favor of the guerrillas, who could move more or less freely through the desert; several significant successes were made against the Moroccan forces in the years following the peace with Mauritania. In the early 1980s, Morocco – realizing that a complete military victory was not forthcoming – withdrew to the so-called useful triangle in the northwest of the territory, initiating a policy of entrenchment. The useful triangle included around 1/12 of the whole territory, and was of great strategic importance as it compounded both the main urban centers and great riches in phosphate. Around it, a wall of sand was built, flanked by minefields and barbed wire. Starting in 1982, this walled-off zone was gradually expanded, with new walls being added around the initial ones, and in 1987, after heavy fighting, the final stage was completed, giving the Moroccan armed forces control over approximately 90% of the territory.
POLISARIO, having been unable to halt the advance of the huge Moroccan force, nevertheless remained a constant threat. The guerrilla continued its classical harassment raids, but also mounted sporadic, but much more powerful, semi-conventional attacks on the walls. During a full year, from September 1988 to September 1989, there was a lull in fighting due to a ceasefire. The ceasefire was breached on 24 September 1989 when a series of rebel attacks and clashes left hundreds dead on both sides. However, after a couple of months of fighting the conflict deescalated considerably and 1989 was indeed the last active year of the conflict
The civilian Saharawi population has suffered immensely since the outbreak of the war. The Moroccan invasion led to a massive flow of refugees from Western Sahara to Algeria. Algeria granted the refugees asylum and the latter set up camps in which roughly 1/3 of the Saharawi population still reside. The four camps are situated in a part of Algeria previously deemed to be uninhabitable, and the refugees are completely dependent on food aid agencies and their donors to survive in the desert.
Resolution attempts and unstable peace
Numerous attempts to resolve the conflict between POLISARIO (Frente popular de liberación de Saguia el Hamra y Rio de Oro; Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Rio de Oro) and the Moroccan government through negotiations have been made. In 1976, after the outbreak of the conflict, the UN attempted to salvage the situation by appointing a special mediator for Western Sahara, the Swedish permanent representative to the UN Olof Rydbeck. During early 1976, Rydbeck held talks with Moroccan, Mauritanian and Spanish officials, and with POLISARIO as well as other Saharawi organizations. However, the parties rejected negotiations at this time.
For a long time, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was the key player in seeking a peaceful settlement. The Moroccan annexation of Western Sahara went against two important OAU principles, namely the right for former colonies to self-determination and the altering of colonial borders. The OAU therefore sought a settlement which would result in a referendum for the Saharawi people, which had been the UN plan before the conflict broke out. In 1978, a “committee of wise men” was set up and tasked with assessing the situation and finding a mutually acceptable solution of the Western Sahara conflict, with the end goal being a referendum for self-determination. The committee in 1979–1980 worked out a settlement proposal, outlining an immediate ceasefire followed by a referendum, and suggested that the ceasefire should be monitored by a UN peacekeeping force. However, POLISARIO demanded that Moroccan forces be completely withdrawn before a referendum, and the proposal was rejected by Morocco. The OAU continued to attempt to get the parties’ agreement to a modified proposal over the subsequent few years, but while Morocco accepted the idea of a referendum in principle, it refused to negotiate directly with POLISARIO and rejected the idea of independence being an option in the referendum. Meanwhile, POLISARIO continued to demand withdrawal of Moroccan troops, as well as return of Saharawi refugees, release of political prisoners and an international interim administration.
By the mid-1980s, despite reports that clandestine exploratory talks between POLISARIO and Morocco had taken place, it was clear that the OAU process had stalled. At the same time, during the course of the conflict, POLISARIO and the Sahara Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) it had proclaimed gained increasing international recognition. In 1980, 45 states recognized the SARD, and by 1985, the number had risen to 63 states, 31 of them in Africa. In 1984, the SADR gained admission as a member of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). This move infuriated Morocco, which in protest left the OAU.
With the OAU process buried, Morocco made an attempt to launch a referendum process without prior negotiation and agreement with POLISARIO. A resolution to this effect was introduced at the UN General Assembly in 1985, but failed; instead, a resolution along the lines of the OAU proposals was accepted. At this point, the UN once more launched an attempt to mediate in the conflict. In 1986, UN secretary-general Javier Pérez de Cuellar held proximity talks with the parties in New York. The UN secretary-general was accompanied by Senegal’s Defense Minister Medoune Fall, representing the OAU. The talks focused on finding a mutually accepted process for a referendum, but made little headway as POLISARIO continued to insist on direct negotiations and removal of Moroccan troops, demands which were rejected by Morocco. After the talks failed to make any progress, Pérez de Cuellar and OAU chairman Sassou Nguesso continued to conduct separate talks with the parties. In 1987, Morocco’s King Hassan showed signs of taking a more conciliatory stance when he stated that if the Saharawi people voted for independence in a referendum then Morocco would be quick to establish friendly relations with the new state. Previously, King Hassan had firmly rejected the possibility of giving up the Western Saharan territory. This change in stance reinforced an ongoing rapprochement between Morocco and Algeria, although the latter did not fully abandon its support for POLISARIO.
In 1988, the UN together with the OAU presented a settlement plan to the two parties. The plan contained proposals for a definite solution of the question of the status of Western Sahara, by means of a ceasefire and the holding of a referendum. Both parties accepted this plan, but due to differences in interpretations, no concrete measures were taken to implement it. The main stumbling block was, and has continued to be, who is to be eligible to vote in the referendum. As the Saharawi population is thought to be overwhelmingly in favor of independence, King Hassan has moved at least 350 000 Moroccans into the territory and fought for their right to vote.
Further negotiations were held under UN auspices in 1989, but with no apparent progress being made. The UN did not give up on its plan, however, and in 1991 the UN Security Council decided to establish a United Nation Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) to secure it. A formal ceasefire, succeeding the informal one that had been in effect for almost two years, came into effect in September, and MINURSO was subsequently deployed. Its mission was twofold: to oversee the ceasefire as well as the coming referendum, scheduled for January the following year. However, once again differing interpretations came in the way of the referendum. A new round of talks was held in 1993, but no progress was made. Despite what appeared to be successful negotiations in 1997, under the auspices of James Baker, the Personal Envoy of the Secretary General, the parties views continued to diverge with regard to the criteria for eligibility to vote.
Realizing that it is highly unlikely that the deadlock can be broken, James Baker has since 2001 presented a number of alternative options. The latest one, termed the "Peace plan for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara" or the "Baker Plan II", was introduced to the parties in January 2003. It gives Rabat interim sovereignty over Western Sahara during a five-year period. During this time, the territory would get limited autonomy, and at the end of the period, a referendum would be held in which all Moroccan settlers would be able to vote. After initially rejecting the plan, POLISARIO in July 2003 agreed to discuss it. Morocco, for its part, opposed the plan, its main objection being that one of the options in the future referendum is independence.
As no activity reaching the level of an armed conflict has taken place since 1989, the conflict remains terminated as of that year. However, the basic incompatibility between the parties – the status of the territory of Western Sahara – remains unresolved.
