This dyad belongs to the conflict Angola: Government
Summary of conflict Angola: Government
The Angolan civil war, which began at independence in 1975, left at least 500 000 people dead and millions displaced. The rebel groups involved in the conflict were FNLA (Frente nacional da libertação de Angola; National front for the Liberation of Angola) and UNITA (União nacional para a independência total de Angola; National Union for the Total Independence of Angola), with the former group ceasing to be active after 1979. The conflict became embroiled in the Cold War power struggle and saw large-scale international involvement. It was only after the death of UNITA’s leader Jonas Savimbi in 2002 that a lasting peace settlement could be reached.
The liberation struggle and the emergence of MPLA, FNLA and UNITA
The groups that would constitute the main actors in Angola’s long and bloody civil war emerged as liberation movements under Portuguese colonial rule. Portugal had been present in enclaves in the area for several hundred years, and by the late 19th century, as the European powers consolidated their colonial borders in Africa, Portugal controlled the territory now known as Angola. Up until 1900, the Portuguese ruled the country mainly trough the group of mixed race Afro-Portuguese, called mestiços. As the white population grew during the 20th century, the mestiços were outnumbered and their status declined. A number of laws were passed, aiming to limit the groups possibilities in the political and economical life of the country and this, together with the continuation of forced labour and other labour abuses led to an intensification of racial conflict in the country. The first generation of liberation movement leaders emerged from the ranks of these alienated mestiços.
However, within the burgeoning independence movement, competition soon developed between the small, multi-racial class and the rural, uneducated peasant majority. By the 1950s, this tension had resulted in three separate sources of Angolan nationalism, the Mbundu, the Bakongo and the Ovimbundu. The Mbundu inhabited Luanda and surrounding areas and had a predominately urban leadership, while both the Bakongo and the Ovimbundu had rural, peasant orientation. Angola's major nationalist movements, the MPLA (Movimento popular de libertação de Angola; Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), the FNLA (Frente nacional da libertação de Angola; National front for the Liberation of Angola) and UNITA (União nacional para a independência total de Angola; National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) emerged from these three sources of nationalism, respectively. They all claimed to represent the entire Angolan population and soon turned into bitter enemies and rivals when the political aspirations of their leaders as well as their respective ideologies clashed.
From the outset, the MPLA, which emerged in 1956 and was led by Agostinho Neto, displayed a strong leftist orientation and some of the guerrillas received military training in Eastern Europe. UNITA, for its part, was initially a Maoist movement and was led by Jonas Savimbi who mainly mobilized support among his own ethnic group, the Ovimbundu, and other groups in southern and eastern Angola. Meanwhile, the FNLA – originally founded as the UPA (União do Populacoes Angolanas; Union of Angolan Peoples) in 1957 – was rurally based and capitalist in orientation. It was founded and led by Holden Roberto and had its support base in northern Angola, although it also recruited exiles from other areas, including Jonas Savimbi who later left the movement to form UNITA. From the mid-1960s the three movements all fought Portugal separately in a bloody and brutal war of independence.
After a coup in Portugal 1974, fighting ceased and all nationalist movements were permitted to operate legally. The new Portuguese regime was anxious to withdraw from Angola and attempted to bring about a reconciliation of the three liberation movements. In January 1975, an agreement was reached between Portugal, MPLA, UNITA and FNLA, setting independence for 11 November 1975. A transitional government, including all three movements, was also set up. However, the coalition was based on a very fragile truce, and the underlying tension, based on incompatible ideologies, ethnicity and personal rivalries, did not ease. In mid-1975 fighting broke out between the three movements and by August fighting raged in most of the country. On the eve of independence, Angola was in chaos. There was no central government for the Portuguese regime to relinquish power to, wherefore they instead ceded independence to the people of Angola. Thus, the seeds of the civil war that followed independence, and that would rage in the country over the next 27 years, were sown already during the independence struggle against Portugal.
Outbreak of the civil war and Cold War connections, 1975-89
At Angola’s independence on 11 November 1975, the transitional government agreed upon in January had disintegrated and heavy fighting was ongoing to the south of the capital, Luanda. However, MPLA (Movimento popular de libertação de Angola; Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) held Luanda and surrounding areas, and is therefore from the outset seen as the government party in UCDP data.
At the outset of the civil war, there were substantial elements of foreign involvement, as the domestic conflict was drawn into both the southern African regional conflict and the global power struggle between the superpowers USA and the USSR. The MPLA government received substantial military assistance from the Soviet Union, and already during the first half of 1975 Cuban troops began to arrive in aid of the leftist movement. They would remain in the country over the next 14 years, increasing in number until reaching a peak of 50 000 in 1988. The FNLA (Frente nacional da libertação de Angola; National front for the Liberation of Angola), and later UNITA (União nacional para a independência total de Angola; National Union for the Total Independence of Angola), received important backing from the US and Zaire. Furthermore, during this time significant military and logistic support was also forthcoming from South Africa. Vehemently anti-communist, South Africa felt threatened by MPLA's close relationship with the Soviet Union, as well as by the presence of Cuban troops so close to its borders. Pretoria also wanted to retaliate for MPLA's support for ANC (the African National Congress) and SWAPO (the South West African Peoples Organisation of Namibia).
The emerging MPLA government in late 1975 was under attack from the south by a UNITA-FNLA alliance supported by South African troops, and from the north by further FNLA troops backed by Zaire. The MPLA requested, and received, massive assistance from Cuba and the Soviet Union, helping to turn the tide of the war in its favour. Following some initial setbacks, the government, with the aid of Cuban troops and heavily armed by the Soviet Union, managed to push the FNLA back towards the Zairean border and UNITA into limited areas in the south. This fighting in 1975-76 was referred to by the MPLA as the second liberation war. By early 1976, MPLA had consolidated its hold of most of Angola and became recognised as the government by most international actors. In February, it was admitted as a member of the Organisation of African Unity, and in late 1976 Angola became a member of the United Nations.
Following the failure to topple the MPLA government, FNLA and UNITA respectively announced their decisions to withdraw into the bush and launch guerrilla struggles against the government, FNLA from the north and UNITA from bases in central and southeast Angola. External warring support was withdrawn from the rebel groups. South Africa withdrew from southern Angola, focusing instead on protecting the border between that country and Namibia and on counterinsurgency operations against SWAPO guerrillas. Zaire and Angola attempted to improve relations and achieve a mutually beneficial stabilisation of the region. The relations were damaged when rebellions were launched from Angola into Zaire’s Shaba province in 1977 and 1978, with Zaire accusing the Angolan government and its Cuban allies of supporting the rebel group, FLNC (Front de libération nationale congolais, Congolese National Liberation Front). However, following the second rebellion, the two countries signed agreements promising to end support for groups fighting the other’s government, and Zaire took steps to impede FNLA activities on its territory.
The FNLA suffered major defeats in the late 1970s, and with the loss of support from its main backers, Zaire and the USA (which shifted its support to UNITA), the movement soon collapsed and disintegrated. By 1980, fighting between the FNLA and the government no longer reached the level of an armed conflict. In the same year, remnants of the FNLA rejected the former leader Holden Roberto and formed a new group, Comira (Conselho Militar de Resistência Angolana; Military Council of Angolan Resistance). The group over the next few years claimed to be operating in Zaire and Uige provinces in northern Angola, but the activities never reached the intensity of an armed conflict.
From 1980 onwards, the conflict in Angola thus consisted of only one dyad, that of UNITA versus the government. The government remained reinforced by Cuban troops, throughout most of the 1980s numbering 20-30 00. Meanwhile, following a brief withdrawal, South Africa in the 1980s again became active as a secondary warring party on the side of UNITA. Beginning in June 1980, South Africa launched operations into Cunene and Cuando Cubango provinces, helping UNITA to establish control in these areas and engaging in fighting with Angolan government troops. The South African presence helped UNITA intensify its guerrilla struggle, and by the mid-80s the group had opened fronts in northeast and northern Angola. Much of UNITA’s activities focused on capturing diamond-producing areas in the northeast, thereby securing a source of revenue. They also engaged in kidnappings of foreign nationals, and often carried out one-sided violence against civilians. Government counterinsurgency operations focused on combating UNITA and South Africa in the south, with one main objective being to capture Mavinga and its tactically important airstrip. Attempts to do so were beaten off by strong South African interventions in 1985 and 1987. However, towards the end of the 1980s government forces were strengthened by a heavily improved air defence system and a further increase in the number of Cuban troops in Angola, and in 1987-88 the military tide began to turn in Angola’s favour, forcing South Africa to rethink its involvement in the conflict.
Parallel to the increasing South African involvement in Angola, attempts were made under US auspices to solve the regional conflict by engaging Angola and South Africa in negotiations. In 1984, the two parties signed the Lusaka accord, providing for a ceasefire and withdrawal of South African troops. However, the agreement did not deal with UNITA, which was rejected as a negotiation partner by the Angolan government. Furthermore, implementation by South Africa stalled, and the agreement had limited effect on the situation on the ground. With the increasing military strength of the Angolan government in 1987-88, however, negotiations again became possible as South Africa began to see the necessity to withdraw and Angola felt it could negotiate from a stronger position. Cuba was also included in the talks, which resulted in a ceasefire agreement on 22 August 1988 and two agreements on 22 December, one establishing a plan for withdrawal of Cuban troops, and the other reaffirming the ceasefire provisions, stipulating South African troop withdrawal and providing for implementation of the Namibian independence process. South African and Cuban troops were duly withdrawn, ending for a period the internationalised dimension of the Angolan conflict. However, UNITA was not party to these talks, and civil war continued.
1990s: resolution attempts and relapses into war
The US-brokered regional deal, signed in late 1988 and under which Angola's southern neighbour Namibia won independence from South Africa and South African and Cuban troops withdrew from Angola, initiated a general decrease in external support to the warring parties. With the fall of communism in 1991, Russia lacked both the will and the capacity to intervene substantially in Angolan affairs. UNITA (União nacional para a independência total de Angola; National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) also received a serious blow when, in May 1993, the Clinton administration announced that it was formally recognising the Angolan government. This marked a complete policy shift and was a result of months of consultation. The recognition of the MPLA (Movimento popular de libertação de Angola; Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) government meant an end to US support for UNITA and its leaders.
In the wake of the regional deal, and with international secondary involvement in the Angola decreasing, attempts were made to achieve peaceful resolution of the conflict between UNITA and the government. The first main attempt was made in June 1989, when both President dos Santos and UNITA leader Savimbi attended a conference in Gbadolite, Zaire. A ceasefire was formally agreed and a declaration was made, proclaiming national reconciliation and the set-up of a commission to prepare the implementation of the agreement. However, only two months later fighting erupted again.
New attempts were made in Portugal the following year. A dialogue was initiated in April, mediated by Portugal, and also including the UN, USA and the USSR. It continued for 18 months and involved six rounds of negotiations. During this time the government announced that the country was to evolve towards a multi-party system, which was one of UNITA's main demands. The end result of the process was the Bicesse Peace Agreement, signed in 1991. However, following presidential elections in 1992, won by MPLA leader dos Santos, Savimbi claimed fraud, fled Luanda and plunged the country back into war yet again. In late 1992, revealing that it had demobilised far less than the government, the rebel movement made major territorial gains and by early 1993 it controlled three quarters of the country. However, after reorganisation and large arms purchases, the government managed to turn the situation around and clawed back territory from UNITA.
In December 1993, a new round of peace talks was launched in Lusaka, Zambia, by the UN's special envoy to Angola, Alione Blondin Beye. American, Russian and Portuguese diplomats also took part, as did US President Bill Clintons special envoy, Paul Hare. The negotiations continued throughout 1994 and initially rapid agreements were reached on most issues. The talks then deadlocked over the terms of national reconciliation. Due to a series of setbacks, UNITA eventually had to budge, which got the negotiations back on track. As mentioned previously, the USA withdrawn its support and consequently UNITA was on the defensive militarily. Moreover, in 1993 the UN had imposed arms and fuel sanctions on the movement, which further weakened the rebels and impaired their negotiation position. Agreement was, gradually, reached over other issues, like measures to ensure the security of UNITA leaders after the end of the war and a new UN mandate. By mid-October 1994 everything had been approved by the negotiators and on 20 November 1994, the Lusaka Accord was signed. The implementation of the Protocol proved to be difficult, however, and low level fighting persisted. UNITA joined the above-mentioned government of national unity, but Savimbi stayed away from Luanda, indicative of the lack of trust between the parties.
The lack of commitment to the peace process on behalf of Savimbi led to the emergence of splits within UNITA. In 1998, five UNITA moderates based in Luanda issued a declaration in which they suspended Savimbi from the movement. Calling themselves UNITA-Renovada, the group were more open to compromise and negotiations and were subsequently recognised by the MPLA government as the sole legitimate representative of UNITA. However, the splinter group had very little support and was not able to influence UNITA fighters outside the capital, with the latter largely remaining loyal to Savimbi.
Due to the failure to disarm properly, the main UNITA was suspended from the government in August 1998. The accord subsequently collapsed and heavy fighting erupted once more. By this time, UNITA had been weakened by further loss of outside support. In 1997, following regime changes in both the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Congo-Brazzaville, the movement had lost the long-held privilege of using these states' territories to launch incursions into Angola. The MPLA government had initiated border security cooperation with the new governments, and government troops were allowed to operate from within their territories. Following the collapse of the peace agreement, a large-scale military offensive was launched by the government in September 1999. UNITA suffered major losses and lost most of the territory that it had controlled throughout the war. Severely weakened, UNITA was forced to once again resort to small-scale guerrilla incursions.
Savimbi’s death and the end of the conflict in 2002
At the end of the 1990s, UNITA was suffering significant military setbacks in the face of a major government offensive, and was forced to return to small-scale guerrilla warfare. A further setback for UNITA came in late 1999. In mid-December, Namibia agreed to let Angolan forces use Namibian soil in their offensive against UNITA. There was a subsequent upsurge in UNITA cross-border raids, which, in turn, resulted in Namibia's outright military involvement on the side of the government. This direct military support would continue until the end of the conflict.
UNITA’s return to mobile guerrilla warfare prompted the government to initiate controversial counter-insurgency tactics in 2001, clearing civilians from the countryside to refugee camps in order to deny the rebels support from the population. By early 2002 the government had clearly gained the upper hand in the fighting, and government troops were making significant military advances on UNITA. An increasing number of UNITA soldiers were either captured or killed, or voluntarily deserted the rebel movement. On 22 February, Savimbi was shot dead in a government ambush in Moxico province along with several UNITA generals. In mid-March the government announced a unilateral ceasefire. In the following days negotiations with UNITA were initiated. On 30 March the parties agreed on a ceasefire agreement, referred to as the "Memorandum of Understanding", which was formally signed in Luanda on 4 April. The agreement provided for a cessation of hostilities and the parties compliance with the outstanding clauses of the Lusaka Protocol from 1994. Shortly thereafter a demobilisation and demilitarisation process was initiated. In September, around 85 000 UNITA soldiers were registered at the quartering areas. The agreement continued to hold, and the conflict is thus considered terminated as of 4 April 2002, the date when the agreement was signed.
Following the end of the conflict, UNITA transformed into a political party. It became the main opposition party, but MPLA has continued to dominate the political scene in the country. In legislative elections in 2008, the first held in sixteen years, MPLA received over 80 % of the vote.
