SUMMARY
NB! The figures on fatalities are preliminary, since some sources normally used have not yet been consulted.
The Kurds in Syria live mainly in the areas close to the borders to Iraq and Turkey, in the provinces of Aleppo and Hasakah. In Syria they have long been repressed and discriminated against. Many are denied citizenship and thus also the rights of ownership, possessing a passport, voting, holding political offices and having marriages recognized under the law. The use of the Kurdish language has also been heavily restricted.
When the popular uprising against President Bashar al-Assad started, traditional Kurdish political actors largely chose to stay out, fearing the regime’s response should they join the opposition. There was also an element of bitterness since earlier Kurdish protests had received little Arab support, even in the face of harsh regime responses. While some Kurds did join the opposition, many further felt that the opposition was too Arab nationalist, and/or Islamist in orientation. Many also considered it too reliant on Turkey. The government on its part wanted to avoid creating a new battle-front.
The Kurds have become more militarized, and PYD (Partiya Yektîya Demokrat, Democratic Union Party), one of the main Kurdish actors in Syria, has set up checkpoints, reportedly in order to protect the areas where the Kurdish population lives from armed non-Kurdish opposition groups. Moreover, PYD’s relationship with other Kurdish actors has been tense, with clashes and harassment reported. Tensions have also erupted between the Kurds and the groups opposing the regime. For instance, PYD considers the opposition to be overly close to Turkish interests (which are considered anti-Kurdish), while the many opposition groups, including FSA (Free Syrian Army), claim PYD cooperates with the regime.
In early November 2012, some days prior to the present registered conflict between PYD and Ghuraba al-Sham, Jabhat Fateh al-Sham, the latter two entered Ras al-Ayn, sparking fears that the larger conflict against the regime would come to include Hasakah province as well. Media close to PYD alleged that Turkey had staged this entry of troops into the area, in order to make the Kurds drawn into the conflict. These suspicions were strengthened following the fighting that broke out between PYD and the two Islamist groups (which makes up the present conflict) since the Islamist fighters who were wounded were given medical care across the border in Turkey. The sides struck a ceasefire agreement a few days later, ending the violence.
The non-state conflict between Ghuraba al-Sham, Jabhat Fateh al-Sham and PYD is first included in UCDP data in 2012. On 20 November of that year violence resulted in over 25 battle-related deaths.
