SUMMARY
Multiple factors can be identified as triggers for the Kuki-Naga violence. Perhaps the most important of these was control over trade routes - the disputed area, on the border between India and Myanmar (Burma) being an important point on the main corridor for smuggled goods from China and South East Asia into North-Eastern India. As such, control of the black market could be seen as an important profit source for both groups. Further, the area is a part of the Golden Triangle of illicit growth and trafficking of opium may have further contributed to the struggle for the region.
However, historical, political and ethnic reasons also contributed to the outbreak of violence. Both Kuki and Naga were involved in an insurgency for the creation of their own independent states, with overlapping territory (Nagalim, respectively Kukiland), this being a strong incompatibility between the two groups. One trigger was declarations made by Nagas that Kukiswere living on what Nagas saw as being their ancestral land. The other was constituted by Kuki demands for a new district, on Sadar Hill in Manipur – an area that was seen by Nagas as being their territory and part of Nagalim. Further cause for conflict was Naga insurgent imposed taxation on Kukis in what they saw as their land in parts of Manipur.
The outbreak of violence occurred on 12 May 1992, with Nagas (presumably aligned with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Isaac Muivah (NSCN-IM) ) burning down a Kuki village in Chandel district, Assam, to which Kukis responded by demanding a tax on Naga villages on 30 May 1992. This triggered a spiral of retaliatory attacks that intensified in strength and expanded geographically, leading to a lengthy conflict between the Kuki and Naga tribes that would last until 1998. Further, the profile of those taking part in violence changed – while in 1992, reports speak of violence perpetrated by already organized insurgent groups (such as NSCN-IM), by 1993 and onwards, incidents occurred between simple clan-members and villagers.
Moreover, while violence did reduce in size after 1998, this was not due to the elimination of the incompatibilities, but rather to a number of external factors, including stronger intervention by the Government of Inida, increased insurgency by other Manipuri groups and infighting within the various Naga groups.
One reason for such expansion of violence was that leaders of organized Naga groups incited both the Kuki and Naga. As such, representatives of NSCN-IM, throughout 1992 and early 1993, made a series of declarations and ultimatums, demanding that the Kuki leave what they claim to be Naga areas or be ousted out by force.
Both the Kuki and Naga used very similar tactics – most reported incidents are various forms of communal violence and acts of revenge. Attacks on villages, including arson, are widespread, as are assaults and kidnappings of villagers belonging to the enemy ethnic group. Additionally, there are reports of indiscriminate violence – such as attacks on women and children, or one incident where a bus was pushed in a ravine. All attacks employed light weaponry (mainly procured through the various Kuki and Naga insurgent groups fighting the Government of India) or artisanal devices (such as torches). Further, as both Kuki and Naga engaged in similar tactics, responding to each other’s actions, both can be claimed to have had similar levels of success in their actions.
Geographically, while the conflict originated in the Chandel district of Manipur, specifically in the vicinity of Moreh town, an important border crossing between Myanmar (Burma) and India, it subsequently spread significantly, covering the entire area of Naga-Kuki cohabitation.
The non-state conflict between Kuki and Naga is first included in UCDP data in 1993. In September of that year, clashes between the two groups had resulted in more than 25 battle-related deaths.
