SUMMARY
This territorial conflict has been centered on the status of Manipur in the north-east. The conflict has seen governmental forces in battle against a number of secessionist rebel-groups seeking independence for the area. The latter have at times cooperated against the government, thus enhancing their strength. The conflict appears to be intractable, despite both military and political attempts at its resolution. However, few incidents have been recorded in later years and they have not reached the UCDP’s threshold for an armed conflict. This changed, however, after groups fighting over the status of Manipur joined the umbrella group UNLFW.
In 2015, several groups in the northeast of India and northwest of Myanmar's formed an umbrella group, the UNLFW, with ULFA-I being a founding member. In subsequent years, various groups joined the UNLFW, which, as of 2018, consisted of at least 10 groups: KCP, KLO, KYKL, GNLA, NDFB-S, NSCN-K, PDCK, PREPAK, ULFA (I) and UNLF.
The incompatibilities over India's Assam, Bodoland, Garoland, Manipur and Nagaland were subsumed under the West South East Asia incompatibility. As a result, the conflicts over the the individual territories comprising the West South East Asia territory became inactive in the years in which the main groups fighting over the territory, and consequently contributing to the battle-related deaths threshold for inclusion in the UCDP data, joined the UNLFW. For example, when the groups fighting over the Manipur incompatibility joined the UNLFW, this conflict became inactive, and the fighting has since then been recorded under the conflict over West South East Asia.
IN DEPTH
Background and historical context
Manipur, located in the very north-east of India, has had a history as an independent kingdom from 33 AD until the commencement of British colonial rule of the state. Under the British, Manipur retained its status as a princely state, albeit under the suzerainty of the colonial power. The traditional system of governance in Manipur had not allowed for popular participation, however during the freedom-struggle calls for the introduction of democratic institutions and the chance to take part in the political decision-making processes emerged. The movement demanding a new political system, while united in its opposition towards the traditional monarchical rule as well as British colonial rule, was internally divided. It consisted of two sections; one favouring and one opposing post-independence incorporation into the Indian state.
The Manipuri maharajah’s reaction to the prospects of British withdrawal was reportedly a mixture of a wish to keep the powers traditionally vested in the monarch, and a realisation of the necessity to limit his powers in response to public opinion. A Manipuri constitution was passed in 1947, creating an elected assembly.
The Indian National Congress on its part, sought to subsume Manipur into India. Manipuri maharajah Bodh Chandra Singh had already prior to independence granted India extensive power and influence over Manipur, although the power over the kingdom’s internal administration was still vested in the monarch. On 21 September 1949 however, the maharajah signed an agreement merging Manipur with the Indian Republic. The merger was formally carried through the following month and Manipur was under New Delhi rule as a part of Assam until 1972, when it was given the right to elect a legislative assembly as a full state within India.
The merger with India is at the very heart of the present conflict, due to allegations that the maharajah was forced to sign the merger agreement. Moreover, the merger was never ratified by the assembly, nor was this body consulted beforehand, which has created a sense of the maharajah acting outside his powers. This perceived infringement on Manipuri right to self-rule has served as a justification for taking up arms against India. The fact that Manipur was not granted full statehood until 1972 is reported as a factor further contributing to the emergence of secessionist groups.
The early years of separatist conflict
Around the time of British withdrawal in 1947, there were calls for Manipuri independence, which remained in force following the merger with India. (For more information, see the section called “Background and historical context.) A number of groups advocating secession were formed starting with UNLF (United National Liberation Front) in 1964. Splitting from this group was a more radical faction, advocating revolution rather than the reforms preferred by UNLF. The new group called itself RGM (Revolutionary Government of Manipur) and was based in East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh). In 1977, PREPAK (People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak) emerged, and in 1978, Bisheswar Singh set up PLA (People’s Liberation Army). The following year PLA formed a political wing, known as RPF (Revolutionary People’s Front). In 1980, KCP (Kangleipak Communist Party) was formed.
The PLA, which was to become the first rebel group in the conflict to reach the activity-threshold of 25 battle-related deaths in a year, reportedly received training in China at an early stage. It is reported that upon the return to Manipur, the group which at the time consisted of only a few members, started recruiting and compiling an arsenal of stolen weapons.
In 1981, PLA was declared illegal together with PREPAK, and following escalating tension and sporadic rebel ambushes, fighting between PLA and government forces reached the activity threshold of 25 battle-related deaths in 1982. Although it should be noted that information about this time-period is extremely scarce, the dyad remained active at a low-intensity level throughout the 1980s. A number of harsh military crackdowns left the insurgency practically decimated by 1989. After a political and military re-organisation, PLA re-launched its struggle in 1992. Violence, involving about a dozen rebel groups, escalated in 1993 and Manipur was declared a "disturbed area" and placed under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. This much-criticised Act granted the Indian security-forces extensive powers during counter-insurgency operations following the declaration of an area as “disturbed”.
Separatist conflict during the 1990s and onwards
In relative terms, Manipur has seen a quite substantial number of extremist armed cadres. The insurgency has been strengthened by the ability of several of these groups to establish joint armed fronts, or at least not waste resources by battling each other for supremacy, as has often been the case within north-eastern insurgency movements. The three main outfits, PLA (People’s Liberation Army), UNLF (United National Liberation Front) and PREPAK (People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak), have for long periods collaborated loosely and have for instance worked out geographical allotments among themselves in the hinterland and operational areas. The rebel outfits have also established valuable linkages with other rebel groups in the region such as ULFA (United Liberation Front of Assam) and NSCN-K (National Socialist Council of Nagaland - Khaplang faction). Both PLA and UNLF have allegedly had training camps in Myanmar and Bangladesh. Further, the Indian government has accused Pakistan of providing secondary support to the rebels, through ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence) officials stationed in Bangladesh. The Pakistani government has refuted these allegations.
The Indian government has tried to counter the insurgency through a large military presence in the state and keeping the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act in force. In 1995, the civilian administration sought help from the army to maintain rudimentary law and order. Mopping-up operations and increased patrolling have severely restricted the rebel outfits room for strategic manoeuvre, but the large presence of army troops in densely populated areas has also taken a high civilian toll as many have been killed in the crossfire between the warring parties.
The government has not only pursued a military strategy, but has also sought a political solution by inviting the rebels to the negotiating table in both 1996 and 1998, and by declaring a unilateral ceasefire in 2001. The PLA and UNLF have largely chosen to ignore these initiatives. The UNLF chairman, R.K. Meghen in 2000 put forward three conditions for talks with the centre: 1) to include the agenda of sovereignty; 2) demilitarisation of the region; and 3) monitoring by a third country. PREPAK, and other militant groups, have declared similar preconditions, thus effectively stalemating any negotiation initiatives.
After violence peaked in the late 1990s, PLA and UNLF continued their armed campaign at a comparatively low level. Several coinciding factors can explain the de-escalation such as increased pressure from the security forces and that the outfits experienced that their capabilities and opportunities were being limited by the ongoing peace talks between their associate NSCN (National Socialist Council of Nagaland) and the Indian government in Manipur. Violence has since 2001 remained at an unstable plateau of low activity.
Throughout the early and mid-2000s the conflict remained active, rebel activity involving mainly UNLF and PLA. Activity between UNLF and the government was particularly intense in 2003, due to concerns over the peace process in Nagaland between NSCN (I-M) (National Socialist Council of Nagaland - Isaac-Muivah faction) and the Indian government. The rebels feared that part of Manipurs territory would be transferred to Nagaland as part of a prospective peace deal with Naga rebels. Indian officials repeatedly denied that this was a possibility, but it nevertheless led to increased agitation in Manipur. (For more information on the Naga conflict, see intrastate conflict “India (Nagaland)”.)
On 2 February 2005, UNLF proposed an end to hostilities and the initiation of a peace process, stating that it would be willing to hold negotiations if the government would accept a four point proposal. The proposal, which included plans for an UN-administered plebiscite and an UN peacekeeping force, among other things, was promptly rejected by India. No other peace initiatives were undertaken, and the conflict remained active throughout 2006 and 2007.
By 2008, the conflicts characteristics were somewhat altered as the two dominant groups (UNLF and PLA) both became inactive and were supplanted as active groups by PREPAK and KCP (Kangleipak Communist Party). In 2009 these two, together with UNLF were the only outfits reaching the level of inclusion as active parties, despite the presence of some 30 rebel groups in the region. Both the rebel groups and the Indian security forces faced criticism over abuses against the local population, committed in connection to the conflict.
Only few incidents have been recorded in recent years and they did not reach the UCDPs threshold for an armed conflict and hence, the conflict has been terminated due to low activity. No negotiations have been reported.
A note on links with other conflicts
The Manipuri conflict is far from the only one that has plagued India’s north-east. As early as 1958, Naga separatism spilling over into neighbouring Manipur caused the Indian government to pass the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act in present-day Nagaland and in the hills of Manipur. The much-criticised Act granted the Indian security-forces extensive powers during counter-insurgency operations following the declaration of an area as “disturbed”. After its amendment in 1972 to incorporate all seven states of the north-eastern region, it was subsequently imposed on Manipur’s Imphal Valley in September 1980 in order to quell the separatist violence that had blossomed there starting in the late 1970s.
The links between the Naga conflict and the Manipuri one have remained important to the extent that an assessment of the security situation in Manipur is impossible to make without also mentioning the insurgency in Nagaland. As NSCN’s (National Socialist Council of Nagaland) secessionist demand for a "greater Nagaland" also incorporate four districts of Manipur, violence has on several occasions spilled directly over onto Manipuri territory. When the ceasefire with Naga rebels was extended to all Naga-dominated areas, including those in the neighbouring states, violence erupted in Manipur. Protestors saw the extension of the ceasefire to their territories as a portent of future inclusion of parts of Manipur into Nagalim. Following the public unrest, Manipur was put under federal rule from June 2001.
