SUMMARY
The conflict over government in Zimbabwe came in response to white minority rule and a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) from Britain by the government of Ian Smith. The Black Nationalist rebel groups ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union) and ZAPU (Zimbabwe African People’s Union) sought to topple the government and establish majority rule, and were supported by neighbouring independent countries. In 1976, ZANU and ZAPU joined forces in PF (Patriotic Front), leading to a further escalation of the conflict. In 1979, the conflict was ended through an agreement leading to democratic elections and formal independence.
IN DEPTH
White minority rule and the emergence of ZANU and ZAPU
The territory that constitutes Zimbabwe was a British colony from the late 19th century until the 1960s. During the colonial period, the black majority population was forced off the most productive land and used as cheap labour by white settlers. As the UK began to take steps toward granting its colonies independence, the white minority in Zimbabwe (then known as Southern Rhodesia) attempted to entrench white rule and prevent the granting of equal political rights to the whole population. In 1965, the Rhodesian Front, led by Ian Smith, announced a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) from the UK, institutionalising continued white minority rule. The UDI was considered illegal by the international community, and sanctions were imposed by the UN. However, the Rhodesian government enjoyed good relations primarily with neighbouring South Africa, also ruled by a white minority government, and was for a long time able to withstand the economic and political pressure.
Black opposition organisations had emerged already before the UDI. In 1961, ZAPU (Zimbabwe African People’s Union) was founded, under the leadership of Joshua Nkomo. ZAPU declared the intention to fight for an end to colonialism and the establishment of an equal, democratic political system. A year later, an armed branch emerged and began to conduct small-scale sabotage actions. In 1963, a faction of ZAPU members broke away and formed ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union). ZANU was led by Ndabaningi Sithole, later replaced by Robert Mugabe, and its formation was motivated partly by feelings that harsher methods were required in the liberation struggle, and partly by personal rivalries.
Despite sharing a common goal and a socialist ideology, the relationship between ZAPU and ZANU was from the outset fraught by conflict. In addition to personal squabbles, the two groups mobilised different sections of the population; while ZAPU drew most of its support from urban workers and people of Ndebele ethnicity, ZANU relied mainly on rural support and its membership consisted mainly of Shona people. Soon, violent clashes between the groups broke out, and factional violence rather than the struggle against the government came to characterise their early years. In 1964, both ZANU and ZAPU were banned and their leaders imprisoned. Both groups instead set up new leadership and structures in Zambia, which was becoming independent, and began to send members for guerrilla training in the Soviet Union, China, North Korea and other socialist countries sympathetic to their struggle.
From bases in Zambia, ZANU’s armed branch ZANLA (Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army) and ZAPU’s armed branch ZIPRA (Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army) launched small-scale attacks from 1964 onwards. The conflict became active for the first time in 1967-1968, when ZAPU launched a larger campaign in cooperation with the South African group ANC (African National Congress). ANC had an interest in aiding ZAPU against the Rhodesian government in order to secure a route through Rhodesia to South Africa, and the groups launched a joint incursion into the Wankie area of northwest Rhodesia. In response to the involvement of the ANC, the South African government in turn intervened on the Rhodesian government’s side. In the battles with Rhodesian and South African forces in 1967 and 1968, most of the guerrillas involved in the “Wankie campaign” were killed or captured, and the joint venture was eventually abandoned. During the 1969-1972 period, there were again only sporadic, minor incursions by ZAPU or ZANU guerrillas into Rhodesia.
Escalating armed conflict and moves toward rebel cooperation
In the 1970s, the conditions for guerrilla struggle against the white minority government of Rhodesia began to improve. During a few years with only low-level armed activity, ZAPU (Zimbabwe African People’s Union) and ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union) had concentrated on mobilisation, training and establishing structures for efficient guerrilla warfare. ZANU began to cooperate with the Mozambican rebel group Frelimo (Frente de libertação de Moçambique; Front for the Liberation of Mozambique), which enabled it to establish bases in parts of Mozambique and launch attacks on Rhodesia from there. Meanwhile, ZAPU continued to have bases in Zambia, whose support to ZAPU was reinforced after the departure of ZANU. By late 1972, both groups were conducting raids into northern Zimbabwe, with much of their activity targeting white farmers in the border area but also clashing with security forces. In 1973, the violence again reached the intensity of an armed conflict, with both ZAPU and ZANU active. The Rhodesian government responded by reinforcing its army and establishing local militia units. Furthermore, new security regulations were introduced, many of them aimed at preventing civilians from aiding the guerrillas. In early 1974, the government announced that it would move from a defensive to an offensive military strategy. In 1976, fighting for the first time reached the intensity of war.
ZANU and ZAPU enjoyed considerable support from neighbouring countries and from communist states. Throughout most of the conflict, ZANU received the major part of its military supplies and training from China, while ZAPU was supplied and its fighters trained by the Soviet Union and Cuba. As Mozambique and Angola became independent in 1974 and 1975, respectively, the conditions for external guerrilla bases and training improved. ZANU was allowed bases in Mozambique and Tanzania, where most of the training of its armed wing, ZANLA (Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army), took place. ZAPU had bases in Zambia, Botswana and Angola; the bulk of the training of its ZIPRA (Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army) forces was carried out by Cuban and Soviet instructors in Angola. Meanwhile, the Rhodesian government received support from South Africa, which had acted as a secondary warring party in 1967-1968 and had retained security forces in Rhodesia since then. The South African forces were withdrawn in August 1975, but technical and economic assistance continued after that date.
From the early stages of the conflict, the frontline states (Zambia, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Angola and other actors supporting the black liberation struggle tried to promote unity between ZANU and ZAPU. A united guerrilla front, it was argued, would be able to conduct a more efficient armed struggle, would facilitate the delivery of material and financial support, and would reduce the risk of conflict following the eventual achievement of majority rule. An early attempt to unite the rebel groups, in 1971, resulted instead in the formation of a new, smaller group called Frolizi (Front for the Liberation of Zimbabwe), consisting of small factions of both ZAPU and ZANU while the main sections of both groups rejected unification. A similar exercise a few years later, aimed at creating a unified force called ZIPA (Zimbabwe People’s Army), yielded the same result. Meanwhile, in December 1974 a common political front bringing together ZANU, ZAPU, Frolizi and a fourth group, ANC (African National Council), jointly embracing the ANC banner, was announced and initiated negotiations with the government, resulting in the release of ZANU and ZAPU leaders who had been jailed in the 1960s. However, the bulk of ZANU, under Robert Mugabe’s leadership, immediately abandoned the joint venture, and ANC soon became fractionalised. As a result of the failed ANC venture, Mugabe emerged as the leader of ZANU, while ZAPU continued to operate under its founder Joshua Nkomo’s leadership.
Until 1976, thus, little success was made by those seeking unification between ZANU and ZAPU. However, on 9 October 1976, the two groups announced the formation of PF (Patriotic Front), which from that date became the active rebel group opposing the government. With PF, ZANU and ZAPU embraced a joint agenda, presenting a “unity document” where their goals – overthrowing the “racist regime”, creating a “national democratic independent state of the people of Zimbabwe” where all enjoyed peace, security and equal rights, and replacing capitalism with a socialist revolution – were outlined. Despite establishing joint political and military command structures, however, the fighting forces – ZIPRA (Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army) and ZANLA (Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army) – remained separate entities on the ground.
Following the formation of PF, the conflict escalated in intensity and scope. Fighting spread to most areas of Rhodesia, with ZANLA guerrillas operating mainly along the Mozambique border and ZIPRA rebels infiltrating Matabeleland in the west from bases in Zambia and Botswana. In response, Rhodesia from 1976 onwards increasingly launched “hot pursuit” operations and pre-emptive strikes against rebel targets mainly in Mozambique and Zambia. While often resulting in heavy death tolls, these raids did not halt the guerrilla infiltration. By 1978, rebel attacks were taking place in and around Rhodesia’s capital. Increasingly, the rebels were taking over and consolidating power in their operative areas, eliminating the previous administrative structures and dismounting the “protected villages” into which the Smith regime had moved many local villagers to prevent them from supporting the rebels. There were also reports indicating that the number of civilians killed in crossfire or one-sided violence was increasing. Both the rebels and the government committed killings and other abuses of the civilian population in connection to the armed struggle, and such violence increased as the conflict escalated.
International diplomacy and the “internal settlement process”
A first attempt to initiate negotiations aiming at a settlement of the conflict in Rhodesia resulted in a short-lived alliance of the rebel groups ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union), ZAPU (Zimbabwe African People’s Union), the smaller Frolizi (Front for the Liberation of Zimbabwe) and a fourth opposition group, ANC (African National Council). The alliance was announced in December 1974, and in the same month a verbal agreement to initiate a peace process was reached between the unified opposition movements and the government. During 1975, the alliance, jointly embracing the name ANC, held talks with the government; however, the larger part of ZANU, under the leadership of Robert Mugabe, rejected the talks and instead carried on the guerrilla struggle. The ANC-government negotiations culminated in the Victoria Falls conference on 25 August, when talks were held in a railway cart positioned on the border so that the ANC delegation sat on the Zambian side, while the government was seated inside Rhodesia. However, the talks soon broke down as the ANC stated the purpose was only to negotiate the practicalities of the transition to majority rule, while the Rhodesian government side refused to accept majority rule as a precondition. Following the breakdown of the talks, the ANC in September split into two factions, one led by Muzorewa and the other led by Nkomo. Later, another faction emerged, led by the former ZANU leader Ndabaningi Sithole.
During the last three months of 1975, talks were held between the government and the Nkomo faction of ANC (which basically consisted of ZAPU and of others within the ANC who had chosen to follow Nkomo). On 1 December 1975, Nkomo and Smith signed a declaration of intent, stipulating the initiation of constitutional talks and provisions for immunity for the participating rebel representatives. The negotiations would culminate in a constitutional conference held somewhere outside the country. However, the negotiations collapsed on 19 March 1976, following intractable disagreement on how the practicalities of majority rule would be arranged.
A new initiative was launched in 1976 by the US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. In September, he and South Africa’s Prime Minister John Vorster held talks with Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith, who was presented with a “package deal” drawn up by Kissinger (also known as the “Kissinger deal”). The US provided incentives in the form of a promise of sizable aid and investment if the deal was accepted, while South Africa pressured Smith by withdrawing its support in the struggle against the guerrillas, and threatening to end economic support. The deal was pre-approved by Britain, and it would mean an end to international sanctions against Rhodesia. Majority rule, under the deal, would begin within two years. The Kissinger deal, though strongly criticised by the rebels who argued that it left too much room for continued white domination, served as a basis for negotiations held in Geneva from 28 October to 14 December. The rebel side now consisted of PF (Patriotic Front), the joint organisation created by ZANU and ZAPU in early October. Irreconcilable positions soon emerged, with particularly Mugabe and his hard-line officials clashing with the government representatives. Major stumbling blocks included the date for independence and majority rule, the role that Britain would play, and the composition of the envisaged interim government. When the talks were adjourned, on 14 December, no substantive progress had been made, and attempts to resume the negotiations in early 1977 failed.
Following the failure of the Geneva process, a new Anglo-American initiative was launched under the leadership of the British Foreign Secretary David Owen and US Secretary of State Cyrus Vance. In April 1977, Owen visited southern Africa and held discussions with the warring parties and the leaders of the neighbouring states. The plan was for a new multiparty conference, jointly sponsored by the UK and the US. Private consultations with the involved parties continued, and a joint Anglo-American committee was set up. Major hurdles regarded the issue of one man, one vote (rejected by Rhodesia) and who would hold power and be responsible for security during the interim period. The Anglo-American plan was announced on 1 September, with key proposals being an interim period under direct British rule, a UN peacekeeping force, democratic elections leading to independence, and the lifting of sanctions and provision of development aid. Both the Rhodesian government and PF rejected key stipulations of the plan, and no progress towards negotiations between the primary parties took place in 1977. The major stumbling block at this stage concerned the role of the security forces; PF argued they should take over complete responsibility for security and disband the old army, while Smith completely rejected this notion and would agree only to limited inclusion of thoroughly scrutinised guerrilla fighters into the army.
As the Anglo-American process faltered, Prime Minister Ian Smith announced he would seek an internal settlement with black leaders, i.e. the leaders of the remaining two ANC factions (Abel Muzorewa and Ndabaningi Sithole) and Chief Chirau, a moderate tribal leader who had previously been involved in Smith’s government and who led a small multiracial party, ZUPO (Zimbabwe United People’s Organisation). Talks with these parties were initiated in late 1977. In early 1978, the parties announced key breakthroughs pertaining to the composition of a future government, and on 3 March a deal was signed which provided for limited majority rule where the white minority would retain a significant measure of control. A Transitional Executive Council (TEC) was established a few weeks later, comprising Smith (who also retained the post as prime minister), Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau. The agreement was met with rejection and criticism from PF, the frontline states and the Anglo-American team, as well as from the OAU and the UN. In a move to get PF aboard the “internal settlement process”, in May the TEC called for a ceasefire, unbanning ZANU and ZAPU and offering an amnesty to guerrillas willing to lay down their arms. However, PF immediately announced they would not accept the offer but would continue to fight until their goals were reached.
The “internal settlement process” continued in 1979. A new constitution was approved by the House of Assembly on 20 January and then submitted to a referendum by the white population. The constitution was endorsed by the white electorate, but was generally rejected internationally. So were the general elections held in April, which resulted in Abel Muzorewa becoming Prime Minister, his wing of the ANC having won the largest share of the black vote; Ian Smith became a minister without portfolio. The country was renamed Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. However, this culmination of the “internal settlement process” failed to resolve the armed conflict, which continued to escalate.
Breakthrough at last: Lancaster House and Zimbabwe’s independence
While Prime Minister Ian Smith pursued an internal process aimed at ending the conflict, which was rejected by PF (Patriotic Front) and most of the international community, representatives of the Anglo-American initiative launched in 1977 tried to get the warring parties back to the negotiating table. During 1978, separate talks were held with PF and the Rhodesian government, and both eventually agreed that a new constitutional conference could be held. PF was pressured by its supporters in the frontline states to seek a negotiated end to the conflict, and the Rhodesian government was tottering under international economic isolation coupled with the continued guerrilla onslaught. Meanwhile, in the UK the Labour Party was in 1979 replaced in power by the Conservative Party under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher. While the new Salisbury government (led by Abel Muzorewa following widely criticised elections in April 1979) had counted on Thatcher’s support, the UK announced the decision not to recognise the new government as it was not recognised by the rest of the Commonwealth states. In August, Thatcher issued an invitation to the Salisbury government and PF to attend a new all-party constitutional conference.
The conference, held at Lancaster House in London, opened on 10 September. The agenda was divided into four topics to be addressed in succession: i) the constitution, ii) transitional arrangements, iii) a ceasefire, and iv) procedural arrangements with regard to implementation of the ceasefire. At the beginning of the conference, which was chaired by the British Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary Lord Carrington, a British settlement proposal was outlined. The key points were that Zimbabwe would become a sovereign independent state, with a government headed by a Prime Minister and a two-chamber parliament, with a guaranteed minority representation for a period after independence. There would be an independent judiciary and a declaration of rights, and the security forces would be regulated by independent commissions. With respect to transitional arrangements, it was proposed that a ceasefire would be implemented, and that the country would be ruled as a British dependency under a Governor, to whom security forces would be responsible, until free and fair elections were held. The elections would be monitored by a Commonwealth team. Following turbulent negotiations and some adjustments, agreement on the basis of the British proposals was reached and the Lancaster House Agreement was signed on 21 December.
Implementation of the Lancaster House Agreement proceeded in 1980. Following a four-month transition period, the Republic of Zimbabwe was pronounced independent on 18 April, following elections on 14 and 27-29 February (for white and black voters, respectively), resulting in the victory of Robert Mugabe’s ZANU (PF). On 2 January, Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo had announced that they would run independently, rather than jointly as PF. Following the elections, Mugabe formed a cabinet consisting of 16 ZANU (PF) members, four members of Joshua Nkomo’s Patriotic Front (ZAPU), and two white members. While electoral victory by Mugabe had been the white minority’s greatest fear, he soon surprised the internal and international audience by abandoning his earlier radical socialism black nationalism. Instead, he struck a conciliatory note, promising more moderate economic change and that the white population would not be subjected to repression. The conflict over government in Zimbabwe has remained terminated as of 21 December 1979, the day of the Lancaster House Agreement.
