SUMMARY
The intrastate conflict over government in Argentina has largely played out along the lines of Peronists and labour movements, on the one hand, and reactionary military rulers, on the other. There have been several episodes of activity: military coups in 1955 and 1963, and a guerrilla struggle in the period 1974-77. The conflict has been terminated since 1978, with the domestic situation further stabilised since the beginning of a democratisation process in 1983.
IN DEPTH
The rise of Peronism and the coups of 1955 and 1963
The intrastate conflict over government in Argentina has largely played out along the lines of Peronists and labour movements on the one hand, and reactionary military rulers on the other. Colonel Juan Domingo Perón and his political movement arose in connection with the emergence of a strong working class, and embraced a populist ideology based on nationalism and anti-imperialism coupled with social justice and reforms empowering the workers. Perón became president in 1946, supported by a strong coalition of labour unions as well as by nationalist military officers. During his time in power, the working classes became increasingly unionised and foreign-owned companies were nationalised in the interest of strengthening Argentina’s economic independence.
However, amid growing economic problems, opposition against Peronism grew in some quarters, including amongst liberals, the traditional ruling class of wealthy landowners and the Catholic Church. There was also increasing dissatisfaction within the army, as Perón sought to limit its autonomy and integrate it with the political movement. In the early 1950s, as Perón prepared for re-election, a movement of dissenting officers emerged at the War Academy and the military and naval colleges around Buenos Aires. On 16 June 1955, a coup attempt reaching the level of a minor armed conflict took place in Buenos Aires, led by Admiral Toranzo Calderón. The coup makers also had strong support from civilian political forces, including Catholic, conservative and socialist groupings. On the day of the revolt, military airplanes bombed government headquarters in the Plaza de Mayo, killing hundreds of civilians gathered there in support of Perón, and dissident troops fought loyalist forces but were soon defeated.
A second revolt, led by Eduardo A. Lonardi Doucet, took place on 16-19 September 1955. As had happened in June, this revolt also reached the level of a minor armed conflict. In this case, the coup succeeded in overthrowing Perón and installing the coup leader, Lonardi, as a provisional president. The revolt was launched from Lonardi’s stronghold in Córdoba, the third largest city, and broke out simultaneously at several locations around the country. The coup ended with a truce between the former regime and the insurgent leaders, stipulating the unconditional surrender of the government. Perón departed into exile in Paraguay.
In the decades following Perón’s removal from office, his legacy continued to play a significant role in Argentinean politics, during a succession of regimes established by elections or military coups. In the context of increasing economic problems and labour unrest, Peronism continued to have strong support among the working class, and the military and civilian elites were divided on how to control and marginalise the Peronistas. Two sides emerged, with the colorados (”reds”) in favour of forceful suppression, and the azules (“blues”) supporting a more soft-line approach of isolating hard-liners and winning over the bulk of Peronistas by democratic means.
The division between colorados and azules resulted in a number of small-scale revolts, culminating on 2 April 1963 in an unsuccessful coup attempt led by colorado Generals Benjamin Menendez and Federico Toranzo Montero, which reached the intensity of a minor armed conflict. The Air Force remained loyal to the government, a key factor explaining the failure of the revolt. After the defeat of the coup, the colorados were marginalised and elections in July 1963 demonstrated strong popular support for the more democratic azules.
In the wake of these events, and in the context of continued labour unrest and increasing demands for democratic rather than military governance, the road was eventually paved for Perón’s return to power. Meanwhile, the late 1960s saw the emergence of a number of leftist guerrilla groups, some of whom proceeded to wage an armed struggle against the government escalating into a minor armed conflict in the period 1974 to 1977.
Peron’s return to power and the 1974-77 guerrilla conflict
A number of leftist guerrilla groups emerged in Argentina in the context of renewed military rule following a coup in 1966. The emergence of the guerrilla movements was connected to a general radicalisation of the public, manifested in 1969 through the Cordobazo (“the blow from Córdoba”), mass strikes in Córdoba that culminated in violent riots. The date of the Cordobazo, 29 May, has since held symbolic value among many leftist armed groups in Argentina. Some of the groups emerging in the late 1960s embraced a radical Peronist ideology, including the Montoneros, the Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas (Peronist Armed Forces, FAP) and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (Revolutionary Armed Forces, FAR), while others were based on Marxist and Trotskyist doctrines, including the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (Peoples Revolutionary Army, ERP) and the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación (Armed Forces of Liberation, FAL). In the early 1970s, the Montoneros and the ERP grew in strength and waged an internal armed conflict against the government, while the other groups largely disintegrated, their members either abandoning the armed struggle or integrating into one of the two major movements.
The ERP was created by a militant faction of the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (Revolutionary Workers’ Party, PRT) in 1968. Two years later, at the PRT’s Fifth Congress, the ERP was adopted as the party’s armed wing. Its goals were to combat imperialism and establish a Marxist-Leninist state. The Montoneros guerrilla organisation was formed in 1968 by revolutionary left-wing elements of the Peronist youth movement. The name Montoneros was chosen as a reference to a former group of half-indian forces who fought Buenos Aires troops in the 19th century. The Montoneros merged with the FAR in October 1973, the new unified group retaining the name former group’s name. The Montoneros envisaged the creation of a nationalist, socialist state in Argentina. The rebel groups initially fought a guerrilla campaign principally targeting foreign companies, with kidnappings and killings of prominent businessmen being commonplace. However, in the 1970s the ERP and the Montoneros increasingly shifted their focus to military and political targets.
Meanwhile, the military government, from 1971 led by President Alejandro Lanusse, made preparations for a return to democracy in Argentina. Elections were set for March 1973, but Juan Perón was not permitted to stand as a candidate. Instead, he entered into an alliance with Héctor Cámpora under the banner of the Frente Justicalista de Liberación (Justicialist Liberation Front, FREJULI) and with the slogan “Cámpora in Government, Perón in power”. FREJULI won the election by a large margin, and Cámpora became president. Less than two months after assuming his post, Cámpora resigned, calling new presidential elections where Perón offered his candidacy and won.
The ERP continued its armed struggle in spite of the return to democracy, accusing the government of still being directed by the military and capitalist forces. Meanwhile, the Montoneros announced in June 1973 that they would abandon the armed struggle and support the new government. However, a split between left-wing and right-wing within the Peronist camp had emerged, culminating in violent factional clashes on 20 June 1973 at Ezeiza airport, at a mass rally welcoming Perón back to Argentina. In the aftermath of the Ezeiza clashes, Perón turned against the revolutionary faction and declared war on leftist organisations. The Montoneros interpreted this development as a sign of reactionary forces acting behind the scene and controlling Perón, continuing to view him as their ideological leader. However, confronted with these divisions within the Peronist movement, the Montoneros soon announced their return to the guerrilla struggle.
The previously low-intensity guerrilla struggle escalated into a minor armed conflict in 1974, as the rebels grew in strength and increasingly shifted their activity from symbolic to military targets. At the same time, right-wing hit-squads and paramilitary groups became increasingly active, targeting perceived left-wing guerrillas and sympathisers and contributing to an increased level of violence and insecurity. On 1 July 1974, Perón died, and his wife and vice-president Isabel Perón assumed the presidency. Faced with escalating guerrilla conflict, the army increased the pressure on the democratic government and eventually ousted Isabel Perón in March 1976.
Military takeover and the “Dirty War”
As the guerrilla groups ERP (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo, Peoples Revolutionary Army) and the Montoneros stepped up their military campaigns in the mid-70s, the Argentine army was given increasing authorities to carry out a counterinsurgency campaign. On 24 March 1976, the democratic government of Isabel Perón was ousted by a military junta led by General Jorge Rafael Videla. The junta motivated its takeover with the growing chaos and instability under the previous regime, and immediately launched a sweeping counter-insurgency campaign against the leftist guerrillas.
The campaign, commonly referred to as the “Dirty War”, succeeded in marginalising the guerrillas to the extent that in 1978, the conflict did no longer reach the intensity of an armed conflict. Those Montoneros who had not been killed or captured continued their existence in exile from 1977, two years later attempting but not succeeding to launch a new offensive on Argentine soil. Following the failure to revive their struggle, internal splits further weakened the group, and soon it had virtually disappeared. The few remaining members of the ERP also went into exile or underground after 1977, and the guerrilla movement ceased to exist.
Despite the guerrilla conflict coming to an end, the military junta continued its campaign against leftist and revolutionary elements. One key strategy of the “Dirty War” was enforced disappearance, often followed by torture; a National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP) installed following the return to democracy in 1983 has documented 8960 cases of disappearances in the 1976-1983 period. The “Dirty War” ended when the military junta was removed from power following the failed 1982 invasion of the Malvinas/Falkland Islands. The military defeat in the Malvinas led to the downfall of the junta, democratic elections in October 1983 and a subsequent democratisation process. The governmental conflict has remained terminated since 1978.
