SUMMARY
Zaire self-defense group (Zaïrois or FPAC, Front populaire d’autodéfense en Ituri or Front populaire d’autodéfense du Congo), also known as ADCVI (“Auto-défense des communautés victimes de l’Ituri) was a Hema-dominated armed group formed in northwestern Djugu territory, Ituri province of DR Congo (Zaire). The group maintained a political branch, referred to as P5 or G5.
Originally established as a self-defense militia, Zaïre aimed to defend Hema and other non-Lendu communities from Lendu militias particularly URDPC. Over time, the group began formalizing its political and military structures and by 2024 it had reportedly established contacts with AFC marking a gradual shift toward broader political alignment beyond local self-defense objectives.
The Zaire self-defense group was mainly active in Djugu and Irumu territories of Ituri province in northeastern DR Congo (Zaire) and kept strongholds in Sota and Shari in Irumu territory, and Dala, Mbidjo and Dhego in Djugu territory. The group also maintained a presence in Nyaka, particularly around the Nyaka gold mine.
The group was primarily Hema-majority but included members from several non-Lendu communities in northern Ituri, including Alur, Ndo Okebo, Mambisa, and Nyali. From mid-2020, Zaïre evolved into a more formalized militia force, reportedly reaching around 700 fighters, although later mobilization and fragmentation increased its operational manpower during peak conflict periods.
Zaïre initially relied on machetes but gradually acquired AK-type assault rifles, reportedly through arms trafficking networks linked to Uganda. According to the UN Group of Experts, the group was heavily involved in the gold economy, including mining, site protection, and taxation of mining operations, which constituted its main source of financing. Zaïre conducted large-scale attacks against CODECO/URDPC factions, targeted Lendu civilians, and occasionally clashed with FARDC and the Congolese National Police (PNC).
The group was led politically by Zawadi, an artisanal gold miner controlling the Nyaka mine in Dhego groupement, Djugu territory, while operational command was exercised by Tchotum.
In December 2022, a faction known as MAPI emerged, claiming to represent the group, although the circumstances of the split remained unclear. In 2024, Zaïre developed contacts with AFC, including reported training activities in Bunagana and Tchanzu in North Kivu. Prior to the creation of CRP, Thomas Lubanga played an influential role in facilitating alliances involving Zaïre and AFC-linked actors, and he supported efforts to reconcile Zaïre with dissident MAPI elements. Lubanga also facilitated the training of Zaïre combatants in Tchanzu in preparation for later political-military realignments.
The group began to disintegrate in 2025, and by the end of the year, most elements had either fragmented, defected, or been absorbed into CRP structures. In January 2025, Zaïre staged a highly contested disarmament ceremony in Mabanga, Mambisa chiefdom, presenting itself as participating in the DDR process. However, the ceremony was widely assessed as disingenuous, as only a limited number of weapons were surrendered while the group retained substantial stockpiles and operational capacity. Following the ceremony, an estimated 2500–3000 combatants either remained armed or returned to active deployment, and Zaïre continued to recruit, train, and operate militarily. In March 2025, the emergence of CRP contributed to fragmentation within Zaïre and deepened internal political divisions, while also affecting relations with local communities. Zaïre commanders Fidele Babala, Pharaon, and Logo Marine played key roles in the formation of CRP, with Logo Marine serving as deputy chief of staff of the new movement. CRP was officially announced in Berunda, Djugu territory, a Zaïre stronghold. Zaïre leader Baraka Maki Amos maintained a formal stance of loyalty to the Government of DR Congo without clearly distancing the group from CRP or its leadership.
Despite fragmentation, Zaïre continued to control and tax mining operations, particularly in Mabanga area of Mambisa chiefdom, where commander Baraka Maki Amos consolidated economic power through illegal gold exploitation, taxation of cooperatives, and forced labor (“salongo”). The group controlled an estimated 300 mining sites across Djugu, including Dala, Mabanga, Mbidjo, and Nyaka, which remained its primary source of financing.
