SUMMARY
The Koglweogo (Guardians of the bush in Mooré language) was a community-based self-defense force. It should be noted that Koglweogo was not a unified, single, group, but rather a self-defense structure that was adopted throughout [Burkina Faso](/#/country/439, mainly composed of agricultural workers and livestock farmers in the area.
In Burkina Faso, there is a long tradition of delegating internal security to local, non-state actors such as village self-defense committees. This phenomenon became even more pronounced with the advent of the country’s political and social crisis in the mid 2010’s, which shed a light on the absence of the State and lack of public service in certain areas. At a local level, non-state security initiatives have multiplied since, with the most notable being the rise and spread of the Koglweogo. While the first Koglweogo groups appeared already in the mid-1990s in the North and Centre-north regions of Burkina Faso, the phenomenon grew exponentially during the mid-2010s. The creation was therefore as much a way to respond to insecurity as it was a way to call out the state for not fulfilling the population’s expectations. Furthermore, the Koglweogo formed rather independently from the Government, by adopting a critical discourse towards it, denouncing its inaction, publicly claiming to be “apolitical”.
The aim of the different Koglweogo groups varied over time and space. Initially formed to deal mainly with environmental issues, such as protecting forests and nature reserves from illegal hunting and abusive logging in cooperation with the Government of Burkina Faso, they later switch to focus more on crime, in light of the perceived inadequacy of the government’s response. The local leader of the Namentenga province association, Nadbanka, stated that “the Koglweogo will disappear when there are no more thieves”. Additionally, the movement’s national authorities stated in 2019 that the “Koglweogo has the mission to ensure the security of the population and their property. The Koglweogo typically resorted to collective coercive practices I order to enforce certain norms and/or exercise ‘justice’, with the latter mostly referring to punishment and at the same time evoking a societal ideal. This overall anchorage and closeness within the community greatly fostered shared social goals and values. Furthermore, some of Koglweogos practices were closely tied to old traditions. At the religious level, the group endorsed all religions, and both Christianity and Islam inspired their practices, with special proximity to the Muslim faith.
The Koglweogo had a strong presence in the Eastern, Northern, and Central regions of Burkina Faso. The country’s Western region was traditionally been more associated with the Dozo, and while some attempts were made to establish Koglweogo groups there, they were met with fierce resistance from the Dozo. In all areas where they sprung up, the Koglweogo was made up of members of the local community who both had intimate knowledge of the area in which they operated, and often a close connection to local networks and authorities.
The Kogwleogo was strongly rooted in the Mossi ethnic group, which makes up almost 50 % of the Burkinabe population. However, while rooted in Mossi traditions, and recruiting mainly from this group, the Kogwleogo was more than an ethnic phenomenon: it is often described as a popular and social movement based on tradition, rather than religion and ethnicity. The local leader of the Ziro province association stated that "thanks to the movement, the customary chiefs meet and forge links”, thus uniting the population in a solidarity movement "beyond ethnic affiliations and religious beliefs". Nevertheless, to create a Koglweogo group, it first had to be sanctioned by the Emperor of the Mossi tribe, who also appointed the national president of Koglweogo. Thus, in sum, while being mainly associated with the Mossi, the Koglweogo was aspiring to look beyond these traditions.
A Koglweogo group was formed from local initiatives, often organized by local political entrepreneurs. While the existence of a Koglweogo national president indicated that the movement was somewhat unified, the president had no real power over the separate sub-groups. For a new Koglweogo outfit to be created, it needed to be sanctioned not only by the Emperor of the Mossi tribe, as described above, but the national president also had to accept the request, and the traditional chief of the locality was also involved. When the group was formed its members had to swear on the Quran and the Bible. Thus, Koglweogo was rooted both in tradition and local authorities.
Figures from 2018 estimated that there were around 4.400 Koglweogo groups in Burkina Faso, with a total membership of around 45.000. Each group had a minimum of 21 members. These outfits patrolled regularly in the villages and were visible and recognizable by their uniforms, locally handcrafted by each group and closely matched to Burkinabe police uniforms.
Mimicking the Mossi kingdoms, the Koglweogo leadership was very hierarchic. The group’s legitimacy was confirmed as many traditional chiefs endorsed the Koglweogo, and this in turn allowed them to benefit from the large network formed across the country by the chiefdom. The support of the customary authority also underlined the apolitical character of a movement that claimed to be above all popular. Also, given the popularity of the Koglweogo, many local elected officials pledged to support them so as to not antagonize the locals who valued the security provided by the group. Sometimes the leader of the local Koglweogo was also the local village chief. The Koglweogo have been active in the non-state and one-sided categories of UCDP organized violence.
