SUMMARY
CNDD–FDD (Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-Forces pour la défense de la démocratie, National Council for the Defence of Democracy-Forces for the Defence of Democracy) was a rebel group active in the intrastate armed conflict against the government of Burundi that took place in the 1990s and early 2000s. CNDD–FDD was created in 1998, when the original CNDD split in two as a consequence of a leadership struggle. The group is sometimes referred to as only FDD and at other times as the FDD-CPN (Forces pour la défense de la démocratie-Conseil patriotique national, Forces for the Defence of Democracy-National Council of Patriots).
The original group, CNDD, was formed in December of 1993 by prominent Hutu leaders in order to protect the Hutu elite from an expected Tutsi onslaught in the aftermath of the murder of the Hutu president Ndadaye in October of the same year. The group was however then only known as FDD and had no political agenda beyond “self-defence”. With the support of prominent members of Frodebu, the Hutu party that had won the 1993 elections, the political wing CNDD was launched in February and March of 1994, under the leadership of Léonard Nyangoma. The group immediately became embroiled in armed conflict, as FDD acting as CNDD’s armed wing, sought to force the government to accept the election results of 1993. The military and political wing split already in 1998, when the FDD Chief of Staff Ndayikengurukiye attempted to oust Nyangoma, claiming that he had mismanaged the party. Very few fighters remained with Nyangoma, and the new CNDD–FDD group immediately launched an armed struggle, becoming one of the main rebel movements in the conflict. The original CNDD entered into negotiations with the government, signing a peace agreement in the year 2000. CNDD–FDD experienced a second split in October 2001, when Pierre Nkurunziza replaced Ndayikengurukiye as the leader of the group. Most fighters chose the side of Nkurunziza, making his faction the stronger one.
In the context of Burundi’s armed conflict CNDD–FDD did not only battle government forces but also made use of one-sided violence. Factionalism was rife in Burundi during the conflict, with the various Hutu rebel groups also jostling with each other for dominance. One such struggle led to a non-state conflict between CNDD–FDD and Palipehutu-FNL in 2003 and 2004.
At its peak (around 2000-2002) CNDD–FDD commanded somewhere between 8 000 and 16 000 troops, although the movement claimed to have thousands more under arms. The group drew some of its strength from its alliance with Kabila, the president of DR Congo (Zaire), receiving weapons and logistics from this source. The explanation for Kabila’s support is found in the complex internationalised conflict in the DR Congo (Zaire) which was ongoing at the time and in which Kabila handed out support to groups that opposed his adversaries. Kabila also allowed CNDD–FDD to maintain bases on his territory, allowing the group to conduct cross-border raids into Burundi. The group was also at times allied with different groups that participated in the DR Congo’s armed conflict. CNDD–FDD also received support in the form of arms and training from Zimbabwe. Finally, CNDD–FDD also found a certain amount of safe-haven in Tanzania, where it maintained bases. It has however never been proven that Tanzania supported the rebels through training or armaments.
In 2001 CNDD–FDD entered into negotiations with the government, joining the Arusha process that many other rebel groups had signed on to in the years before. Arduous negotiations followed in 2002 and 2003 during which CNDD–FDD also continued to fight. A peace agreement was finally signed by the group in 2003, mandating among other things a national election. These elections were held in 2005 and were won by Pierre Nkurunziza and his CNDD–FDD movement, which subsequently took over government. Seats in the new parliament were however shared on an ethnic basis between Hutus, Tutsis and the Twa.
When CNDD–FDD split from the original CNDD movement it was led by Jean-Bosco Ndayikengurukiye, a Hutu from the Burundian area of Bururi from which Burundi’s dictator Buyoya (who seized power in 1996) also hailed. This geographic link between the two was rumoured to have been one of the factors that led to his downfall as CNDD–FDD's leader, since some feared the two would strike a deal detrimental to the movement’s goals. In October 2001 Ndayikengurukiye was ousted as leader and Pierre Nkurunziza took over as General-Coordinator. Nkurunziza was from Burundi’s north and assuaged any fears of regional dominance since he ruled in alliance with Hutu’s also from the east. Nkurunziza went on to become President of Burundi in 2005.
CNDD–FDD has been involved in the intrastate, non-state and one-sided categories of UCDP organised violence.
Mayi Mayi or Mai Mai or Maï Maï (Congolese Swahili for "Water Water") was not a cohesive movement but rather a number of local militias in the Kivu regions of the DR Congo (Zaire). The Mayi Mayi phenomenon although existent in the 1960s was revived at a broader front in 1992 when marginalised youths formed groups fight for protection of local villages and for a status in society. As violence escalated in the region many loose groups and formations were drawn into the fighting. Some Mayi Mayi militias have been well structured organisations with clear agendas and strong support; others more like armed gangs, followers of different warlords with very vague objectives. Even though the Mayi Mayi militias did not have a centralized structure, one can find common denominators. Most militias have in common the use of hit and run tactics; their hatred for foreign involvement in their country's security matters; the low average age of the soldiers and the close connection to the local community.
The roots of the Mayi Mayi can be found in an ancient warrior tradition from the Bahunde, Banande and Banlima ethnic groups. They believed that special potions neutralize bullets by turning them into water. The name Mayi Mayi first appeared in the Mulele rebellion of 1964 but the connection between that rebellion and today's movements are weak. Mayi Mayi should be seen more as a social phenomenon than an organisation. In the late 1990s during the war against the Kabila government of DR Congo some Mayi Mayi militias had grown considerably and in some parts they were been able to leave their hit-and-run tactics and take long term control of some territory.
Because of Mayi Mayi's multi-layered and multi-purposed nature one cannot correctly see them as part of one side in the intrastate conflict. The alliances have been shifting both over time and between groups. Media reported that the Mayi Mayi militias sided with Kabila's AFDL (Alliance des forces démocratiques pour la libération du Congo, Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo) in the war against President Mobutu. In a radio announcement in early 1997 a truce between the two parties was broadcast, and Mayi Mayi was said to have joined the alliance in December 1996. Obviously this pact did not include all Mayi Mayi. The Mayi Mayi soldiers that did help Kabila to oust Mobutu soon broke with him as it became apparent that the Rwandan Tutsi and many of the Banyamulenge were given important leadership positions in the new regime. In 1998 most Mayi Mayi fought the RCD (The Rassemblement congolais pour la démocratie, Congolese Rally for Democracy) guerrillas and their Rwandan allies. They have been a strong support for the government army, and the Mayi Mayi groups have been given both moral and material support from the government from the start of the conflict. In September 1999, four Mayi Mayi leaders were given the rank of general in the DR Congo army (FAC). One of them Sylvestre Louetcha, was appointed head of the army general staff. The Kinshasa government withdrew the support for other groups in 2001 and then a few militias instead turned to RCD for help. Mayi Mayi was a part of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue and part of the peace agreement concluded in 2003. Before 1996 and after 2004 Mayi Mayi has been treated as separate militias with separate names in UCDP data.
Mayi Mayi has been involved in the non-state and one-sided categories of UCDP organised violence.
